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Welsh School of Architecture. Cardiff University 


Evolution of Public Spaces in the Urban Core of Tripoli, Libya: 


Dynamics of Growth and Change. 


ASMA ELHASUMI 
BSc. Arch., MSc. 


Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Architectural History and 


Theory, Cardiff University. 


Supervised by: 
Prof. Stephen Kite 
Dr. Juliet Davis 


February 


2018 


Abstract 


Tripoli has undergone a dramatic transformation from a historical Islamic port city into a 
metropolis. Layers of urban interventions in the built environment mainly by Ottoman and 
Italian colonization and modernization reforms, each era forms a layer with its unique 
dynamics that distinguish the growth and change of built form and the public spaces within 
it. This historical research aims to understand the evolution of public spaces in the urban 
core of Tripoli, defined by the old medina and its context, their continuity and disruption 
within the urban context, by investigating the forces behind their growth and change in three 
layers of time: Tripoli under the Ottomans rule, Tripoli as an Italian colony, and the post- 
colonial era. 


The research design is a historical interpretive research, analysing all means of historical data 
(i.e. archives, Travellers’ documentation, documented movies and historical photos). The 
research tests an original method; A historical simulation research, by turning historical 
evidence (maps- photos- aerial views) into a 3D model, recreating the urban spaces and 
virtual-walk through in these different sets of time. This research of public spaces is an 
original attempt to build knowledge around public spaces by combining historical, 
observational, qualitative data with experiential data, to conduct an architectural and urban 
spatial mapping and analysis of the core area of Tripoli. A unitary approach to public spaces 
and its historical context. Physical, Social, Economic, Political, Temporal, and Sensorial. 


The research shows the historical dynamics that shaped public spaces in Tripoli. The Roman 
origin of the city challenged by the Ottomans. The Ottoman city segregated by the Italian 
colony, and how the decisions of the post colony regime have disturbed the continuity of 
these spaces. The research explains how public spaces took the shape they have and why 
some important historical spaces in Tripoli lost their momentum. 


Acknowledgements 


In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, 


This doctoral thesis would not have been possible without the continuous support and 
encouragement of those whom I owe deep and genuine gratefulness. 


First on the list are my family. My gratitude goes to my beloved parents, for their faith in me 
and teaching me to be ambitious and determined to fulfil my dreams. To my husband for 
his love and continuous support under the extraordinary exhausting journey we went 
through together. A special thank you to my daughter Malak and my son Ali for their 
patience, sparing me years of their lives to achieve my goal, your smiles, encouragements 
and kind prays always shined hope even in my darkest days. May Allah bless you for the 
time, health, and energy you gave me to complete my studies. 


My deepest gratitude goes to my first supervisor Prof. Stephen Kite for his understanding, 
patience, guidance, and most importantly, his friendship during my graduate studies as his 
help, advice, and supervision were invaluable. I also greatly thank my second supervisor 
DrJulate Davis for her critical academic consultancies. I like to thank also my former 
supervisor, Dr.Cristan Suau, for his initial assistance during the early stage of this study, 
before his departure from Cardiff University. 


My genuine thanks are also extended to the Postgraduate Research administrative staff of 
WSA, Cardiff University, in particular: Katrina Lowis, of whom have kindly helped and 
supported me through my difficult times during this journey. 


My special gratitude is also extending to my former colleagues and friends who did all they 
could to ease the collection of my data inside and out Tripoli. 


Lastly, and by no means least, I would like to conclude by thanking Ms Alison Brown, My 
Masters Supervisor for encouraging me to start my PhD Journey. 


Thank you all 


II 


Table of Content 


ABSTRACT atoia tice a E d ERE P La d ne n Eo SU T Ui Cu be ted Fol e HN eC I 
AGENOWEBDOBMENISa mn abt aani Sada ret tetti Mtr p e E II 
TABLE OF CONTENT iaadakes dis dated ias hik to has dala deed alba dina d alio Abd cakes Eh IH 
LIST OF FIGURES wii tacit tedio tub eae e br e a Lab ca a Fd ate nonsense IX 
LIST OP TABLES uiai aitaan ta hara A Sat isata aiaiai XIII 
CHAPTER e c 1 
INTRODUCTION ienei inanin n a eni AR dn eid 1 
CHAPTER 2ean a tQ tuns E A Rd TIE 6 
LEVERATDORE REVIEW een ienn a ente a E spectu et S 6 
2 Lc EMO UGE OMe cis cass orale QM Dai Due eb Glace ease autos Uer P Dau NASA dU dE 6 
2:2, Public Spaces general theories sieh to vec pit ro te i adeb ta eden Cbr 6 
2.2.1. Public spaces and the physical forfi.iaeie ebrii eid ee Ce t b enda dele pts 6 
2.2.2. Public spaceas asocial space ciet bitu di tad ad TO Fe vamos 8 
2:25. Püblie-spacesckasdn expetientlal spate cidit tunfa vea Custos na Co ua 10 
2.3. Public spaces as part of the eityevolüdontccsieoteatodapétdiup hene Dao pienidts 11 
2:3:1: Public spes ec the port eibi cabo E n a a qu e ar 12 
23:2. PUBLIC Spaces and Islamic City inipun inian ne up nud ete qoe ed RR 13 
2.3.3. Public spaces and Italian colony Eripolt. as deed qoe tenore ten e eio e ng 14 
24 Photo based 3D- modellid «v sedo puede nter cues epa du qute te a f cU 16 
2o TR ESE ALC At UIS aces fetta et entertain ettet esta ento eid ontaetetedie ence voa d vrbe ide 21 
dL Research objectives odes i rete eibi RI QUU QNS UR QU ug 21 
25.2. Research uestlOfls, vea DRE POSER AED te YS DR pego ELA DR Ha C ERR CHA E k 22 
2.6. Research Methodology and Methods: tht t tk rei Ee p i raped 22 
ZADPHEIS UIT TP HM M 21 
DOr Future tesedt Daesas mm femen tradu fuisae Sade ati ra dtu ia 27 
CHAPTER Jaconia a S eR TRUK AAAS TE EK UM EE 29 


OTTOMANS eisista itaate a iiien nei een heei ios a istenia aiiis 29 
Jely Introductio ne inn ey UNE 29 
3.2, Urban- forces prior tothe OUO eu avstud io duda Io Ie OS C Tu aA ORE eS 30 
3241- EPO sa Roman SCEDOImep n e tado naeia bodie Patet nfi a 31 
22d The Roman walls 8e gate Se etd ph a el ve Re Qa OES EES RD KR Rusa 33 


elas De he ROMAN Ate Ue tan. casa alien welt ahaa epi RU debs EA 36 
3.2.2 Tripoli during the Islamic Conquest (645 — 1510 AD) ............sssssseeeeee 42 
3.2.2.1. Tripolis Grand Mosque and Islamic school uauseutbteteoTuteiueduie bitu. 42 
3222: Thecuyswallsanmd pates iaaii noxbilhteap a a tioiaieut 44 
32:29: Ehe Medina: Mares cato bd Ru CORR USER aS a PRO Fe PRU 45 
92,2 4, Ue Streets and Baths nesrin aa s aod en don p edes 46 
3.2.3. Summary of the medina pre COLE RAIN perdiderat qae edere pida e os 48 
3.3. Forces of growth and change during the Ottoman Empire 1551-1911 wee 52 
3.3.1. The first Ottoman rule Tripoli from 1551 till 1771 oe teténte tet ertet et oett 54 
o d Mürad Asha sse] 5589 rrei deb EAE AAE qa qu Qe MR RN 55 
3.3 L2. Dargut Pasha 1553 -1565 reiini atra di pdt A E 58 
3.3.1:3; Osman pasha (16497 10 12) 24 sa etri tee phe Ed AP APER e Rie pd 62 
3.3.2. Tripoli from 1711 till 1835 - The Qarahmanli dynasty.................. sess 67 
3:3:2 Ahmed. pasha Cla ta Minar o meatum Recuerdo ttu Ta Ta elucet 68 
3.3.2.2. Tripoli natural disasters and the urban PrOWIDsqausduai bi ashteninhbeashdilonthé 72 
3.3.3. The urban reform-Ottomanization of Tripoli- (1835 till 1911) sss 74 
3.3.3.1. The Ottoman reform as a force for change in the medina. wees 75 
3.3.3.2. The expansion of Tripoli’s urban fabric outside the medina’s wall. ................. 75 


3.3.3.3. Enhancing the medina's public spaces by providing fountains, a source for 


water supply in and outside the city walls. iei mette tete teens 77 

3.3.3.4. Redeveloping the Ottoman urban centre inside the medina walls.................... 79 

3.4. Public space characteristics in Ottoman Lrpoliziaiede iter ate de code 83 
3441. The Streetsin Almedina Prpoli.uue acti itat pe b rc o bereit 83 
3.4.2; The Markets.in Almedina Toüpolia e te ote tpe tao C e AE ep pv ed 86 
ihe Ehe dqneditia OPER spaces uo acum blldena tbid dubie a a aai 91 
3.5. Continuity of Public spaces in Ottoman medina Tripoli. «45h nitate Penes 93 
3,54, Continuity of the urbani SEFCGDUTEE uo pavé aa ra N Eat 94 
3.5.2. Continuity of the social activities cespite nnde UR bea e Ph cda qo dee oda 96 
2.9.5. Visual CONH oet eed dte onini Bea plus ertet nv da denied ete iti tette avi fe 98 
3.6. Summary of Stimulation study part 1 Tripoli in the Ottoman time... cee 104 
CHAPTER 3. iiec Apre nde ESAE AeA RU UFU nS RARI E PRINS AR pU AA AERE AR ARA RUAS 105 


PUBLIC SPACES AND BUILT ENVIRONMENT OF TRIPOLI DURING THE ITALIAN COLONY ..105 
AT  Inttoductiot.us seite a te ever nr ves Pee ve rere oae vwie 105 
4.2. Forces of evolution and change in Tripoli’s public spaces during the Italian colony..105 


IV 


4.2.1. Forces of growth and change during the early Italian colony (1911-1930) .......... 112 


4.2.1.1. Tripoli during the Italian invasion 1911-1912... sss 112 
4.2.1.2. Italian urban planning during the first year of the war 1911-1920s................ 113 
4.2.1.3. 'Tripoli's port and its connections as a public space in the city: ...................... 113 
4.2.2. Forces of growth and change during the late Italian colony (1920 till 1951) ........ 127 
4.3. Public space changes in Tripoli during the Italian colony .......... oet 128 
4:3:1. Innercity develOptDentss usi darse iiodees a doter nuda ene year 129 
4.3.1.1. Reinforcing the Italian entrance of the medina... oder reete inet 129 
43352: Developing: thé clock Rada fU. oua qase gage de qe E ed e pe RA Ue e) 132 
4.3.1.3. The development of the Roman arch spaces odor estem a deseen eeeiotns 133 
4.3.1.4. The foundation of St Mary cathedral space.................. sse 136 
4.3.1.5. The demolishing of the west wall temer toe tne ceat 136 
4:3:2; Quicr city developmmenitss ee arai a bre iab bete Rb abd ia aa 139 
4.3.2.1. Giuseppe Volpi (1920-1924). sns prtce fpe cere pta Re otii vada 139 
4.3.2.2; Elia De Bono (1925-1928) ersa 8g tie qno erase dedic epo tee qune 147 
4323 Balbo 9345 194 0 nna aana nd qas s 153 

4.4. Public spaces continuity in Tripoli during the Italian colony.......................... suse 158 
4.4.1. The open spaces in Al-medina THDODG ede Deaib rq qp Dod e pu adets 158 
TT. Removing the water TOUNCAINS is, oic ta edibus Cave i d CR E REOR RAT 159 
441.2. Removing the tomba aene aite ih t be ibi Rie a a Ed nnd 160 
ql. Dividing the cetitke.oecto reae md cade Erato bm Ra ep a dica re Tog 161 

d A2. che Marketsin Ad drmedina Tripolis saspe detebitsrdcerskute itd tun brut ag Cali uit 165 
dd 3 LS HASTA casthineand Potten taotum ihdieatidien hb bsctcdem E Bait ae 166 
414. Developins the water ffont um do pru aus dun Ie taa en e OR Ee DeL aan ERU 166 
4.5. Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the colonial time ................................. 174 
CHAPTER Doea taa E ROAR VERA Uu S aS RUBRIK UI EINU E TR NR AM ADEL US 176 


PUBLIC SPACES AND BUILT ENVIRONMENT OF TRIPOLI DURING THE POST COLONY (1951- 


Z0 Dy atat data diluit ERR Ll aon euni ndash Een Baliodte a E ota d 176 
Su dit POC MICH ON st. otiurastumbis desea t Feed bb a Perd utu Fe und tte e Tod GT 176 
5.2. Forces of evolution and change in Tripoli’s public spaces during the post colony. ....177 
5.2.1. Forces of growth and change during the Libya's independence (1951—1968)......177 
5.2.1.1. The struggle of Libya sdnuependéetCe adn rede onere eerie 177 
5.2.1.2. Second world war and the Late Italian Colony 1939 — 1945 ........................... 177 
Died o Tipol ATL pS Fl et Ces a eae ata Meta du aig dolet AER RU eds 180 


5.2.1.4. Urban forces driving the city’s the growth and change during the 


independence COAL B5 kia. esate saturates a diacetate Util 184 

5.2.1.5. Tripoli during the Independence time 1951... iere ie emot 190 
5.2.3. Forces of growth and change during the Gaddafi era (1969 till 2011)................... 193 
B2 SAT Fatah: Rerolation 1909 uiaiia Dias rai hdd uitia Pd a 195 

5.3. Public spaces changes in Tripoli during the post colony eta................... sss 199 
5.3.1. Tripolis physical urban c angesagt odeur toda desee xem. 199 
5.3.1.1. Changes to the existing Tripoli urban form iae e epe edle qiti eda 199 
5.3.1.2. Changes due to demolishing Tripoli’s urban buildings and blocks................. 206 
5.3.1.3. The changes due demolishing and rebuilding buildings .................................. 210 
5.3.2. Urban changes and Tripolis social life. ee teh t esta torquet rl redegi 212 
5.4. Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the post-colonial time ........................ 217 
CHAPTER 6 iine titula ir tap Qu RI ETEA EM SO EAST Oai EN INS 219 
THE GENERATED 3D MODIELDS 25:5 «e apetece aec Queue demi pue codem pus rds 219 
Dol Ee EPOR HGB P oda tec fesciebui as teniente Vit ert arr Santer ai serra eer 219 
Occ ECE DOE Deis au fod nou son a kay ein e Dade Ra duce deus c SEU dan de iste aa 219 
6.3; Three Tayer-analysts aq nuen panur red erbut teda dirette iet obtusa enacted ead etate oe 224 
CHAPTER 7.5uioiseiustn sers AME eaaa ma pui er en so pA E iH Um E REM E RR E AETERNE CURVE 227 
CONCLUSION sacar aera uh ens ie Rd exuta Ef tdt qM Ge RE aS 227 
Voce ER EEUU UG DEED uneni ettet e CEP Ve prd orbit lb redes en enlace does 227 
7.2. Significance of public spaces in Tripoli and their continuity.................... sess 221 
TA DORIA EC AEC aer a Putri btt ues ak lusti ceo pues cea vf turbati ut 228 
3,2,22 The CoastHfie ATED Lisa nbi noté deba ri ifa ei dr Fe s Ab Re idi b a redd d 234 
7.2.2.1. The corniche (Tripolis water edge). 2c reitera dicat 235 
1:2:2:2; The: Grand hotels Care niec eate rane a iier enr Ree ne 237 
T229. Papolr s lakes pače nuun aaea a a lin d ae iei 241 
7.2.3. The Green square (The Martyrs Square) a casado era e als e d de 243 
7.3. The Study's Challenges, Purpose and Achievements ..................... eee 245 
To Lc The Oitomanera- 155] eT9T Tu sie si e orti ted eae e eti sre eoe edd 247 
7.3.2. The Italian colonization of Tripoli T9115 10453. aigu ee bad esq qpa desees 248 
7.3.3. Post-colonial independence and the Gaddafi era 1951 - 2011... 249 
Tos deg C LO aL Te Tie method ac cavo Dee ab gehe ath perdo Ub quA qu dh Qu Quit uU add 250 
Teo. Reference Siaina adeo be boe deae dipl aaea dea nia eieaa decas ed cadet led vibe tds 253 


VI 


VII 


viii 


List of figures 


Figure 1 The structure from motion modelling process. ................ sse 17 
Figure 2 Modelling using the photo tourism approach... 18 
Figure 3 Illustration of parallel lines and the convergence to vanishing points................. sse 19 
Figure 4 Configuring the photos vanishing points using SketchUp. ................. seen 20 
Figure 5 Configuration of the vanishing in different photos of the structure and snipping the intersections . 20 
Figure 6 The research Strategy intersection of the mixed methods used in this research. occ 22 
Figure 7 Chronologically investigating the urban evidence in each layer of time... sss 23 
Figure 8 The three layers two stage research design. Diagram of the research aims and the methods .............. 24 
Figure 9 Location of case studies along the North African coast line. .............. sse 28 
Figure 10 Roman sites in Tripolitania.Tripoli was known as Oea .............sssseeeeeeeeeeeneneneteteen 31 
Figure 11 Roman city of Sabratha........sessssesesssssesossssecsosssrecosssseerosssseces 

Figure 12 The Roman port and the Roman settlement .... 

Figure 13 Roman trade routes of Northern Africa. .cccccssessssesesessessessessessessssssssssessesssssssessessssesssssesssens 

Figure 14 Map of Roman Tripoli the layout and origins of the city during Roman times, ca.160s CE. ............ 35 
Figure 15 The Roman walls and Tripoli’s natural borders during the Romans time. ............... sse 36 
Figure 16 The Roman arch in Tripoli in different layers of time. .........sssssssseeeeee nee Sy 
Figure 17 Location of the Roman arch and its relation to the old port. ................. sse 37 
Figure: 18 Ground Plañ- of Tripoli's:Rormian:atchz iocis nitet Pe E fe RM RR ete Miete Re TORRES a Rusia 38 
Figure 19 The Roman arch and the intersection of two Roman paths. ............. sse 38 
Figure 20 The Roman arch relation to the port and the Roman gates... 38 
Figure 21 Photos of the Roman arch uses during the Ottomans... 39 
Figure 22 The Roman arch in Tripoli in 2015. ssenarinin iea a aE aa te tetetenennen 40 
Figure 23 One of the earliest obtainable plans of Tripoli 567. .............. sse 41 


Figure 24 Plan of Tripoli Barbarie. De Fer, Nicolas, 1646-1720... tenente 44 
Figure 25 The change in the city public spaces after building the fourth side of the walls. ......................... 44 
Figure 26 The market space in the area between the port and the Roman arch. ................. sse 46 
Figure 27 Summary of the main spatial system of the medina Tripoli prior Ottomans stage. uo... 51 
Figure 28 Location of Murad Agha mosque outside the medina walls. ..................... see 56 
Figure; 29-Murad-Agha's mosquée Gc 9táve; «aec tree tentes ad E A PH RO RR EL Pt Refer eene 56 
Figure 30 The destruction of Murad Agha's tomb in Tripoli in 2013... 57 
Figure 31 The changes on the Roman walls and its effect on the main city access. wees 57 
Figure: 32: Plan:of Dateuts:corplex. a4 eh ert trente pene ete ee eee a eek Pe E E NARE 59 
Figure 33 Dargut buildings compared to the location of the Grand Mosque ................ sse 59 
Figure 34 Location of historical Dargut Mousque complex in the madina today.................... sss 59 
Figure 35 The location of Dargut's in the medina and its relation to the medina gates and main paths. .......... 61 


Figure 36 Extension and defences built around the medina .................. seen 61 
Bigute:37 Tripoli. defences atid towers. itecto a dede teet pug REER Dated 61 
Figure 38 Location of the Church in relation to Datgut mosque... 62 
Figure: 39 Sketch:of the. French street: 22 en bett areis iie di die ete tre direi Peste teens ed 63 
Figure 40 Location of the Church in relation to Datgut mosque... 63 
Figure 41 Location of the French Counsel in medina... 63 
Figure 42 Internal view of the former French canceler today. ...............ssssssssseeeeeeeneeneteetetetetn 63 


Figure 43 Osman Pasha Islamic School & Dargut mosque ................ sse 64 
Figure 44 The concentration of medina's public buildings forming an urban centre in the medina. ................. 64 
Figure 45 Location of Othman pasha school in medina today in relation with the other buildings. ................. 64 
Figute 46 location: of the prison tri medinà:. eee ente aeg deest ettet did ete Eee eate E neret teen 65 
Figure 47 The main elevation of the Ottoman prison ............ssseeeeeeeeeeenene tete tentententntennenetenetentnnenns 65 
Figure 48 Location of the Market and Fundok in medina. ................. seen 65 
Figure 49 The location of the trade centre and its effects on the formal Roman access wissen 66 
Figure 50 Location of the Turks market in the medina & its relation to the Roman path... 67 
Figure 51 Evolution of the medina entrance during the Ottomans. .............ssssssseeeeeeeeneeeneeten 68 
Figure 52 The two separate spaces developed in Tripoli during the Ottoman time................ sse 68 
Figure 53 The water canal separating the medina from the landside. ................... sse 68 
Figure 54 Castel water entrance and its relation to the later Qarahmanli mosque. ................. see 69 


Figure.55:The:mosqte: of Ahmad: Pasha. 1912. tede ended tr a RE ERU E RH teste eed " 
Figure 56 Diagram of median's urban centre and its elements... eene 72 
Figure 57 Some shapes local Muslim gave to their dead................... seen 73 
Figure 58 Diagram summarises the main establishments during the Qarahmanli eta... 74 
Figure 59 Ottoman urban fabric after the reform........ssssssssssseeseeeeenteneeteetententnntenennenenetentennnennn 76 


Figure 60 Travelers settling outside the medina’ main gate to trade their goods. ................. sss 76 
Figure 61 Tripoli's urban fabric before and after the Ottoman reforms .............. sse TI 
Eigute:62 Fountaimsan Ttrpoli..-. n eR TI 


Figure 63 T 
Figure 64 T 
Figure 65 C 


he old market area in relation to the riew matket....e eene rre tieng 78 
he clock towers: In Istanbul April.2014 (left). In Tripoli July 2014 (right). ................. sese 79 
ock tower size compared to the surrounding built form. ................ seen 79 


Eigute:66:Section inthe clock midas 4st etm sues te eva temet D, 80 


Figure 67 'T 


he clock midan use in recent years the space is dominated by cars. vce 80 


Figure 68 Streets inside the medina walls during the Ottomans. .............. seen 84 


Figure 69 T 


he grand mosque role in developing an urban centre... 86 


Figure 70 Covered markets and their relation to the castle and grand mosque.................... sse 86 


Figure 71 T 
Figure 72 T 
Figure 73 T 
Figure 74 T 
Figure 75 T 
Figure 76 T 


he bread market and its Map location outside the city walls. .................. see 87 
he market area.outside; the medina walls... et t tee Re RRE 87 
he weekly market (Tuesday market). Tripoli date 1910................... sse 89 
he location of the weekly market in Tripoli, the castle in the background...................... sss 89 
he seasonal market (the camel market). date 1910. ............... sentent 90 
he camel market as a public space in the medina. .................sssseeeeeeeeennenenetetees 90 


Figute:7 7, Midan-Al khàndak Ttripoh............. eee eee eet 92 
Pigure:78 Roof tertáces:iii esee epe eiit HO Regie ete ESS 92 


Figure 79 'T 


hie medina core: The case: study are iio rh ep RD DE DEDE TU RD ud 93 


Figure: 80 Fipol core: 1551... cce etu heal hoes ate e i peu ME 94 


Figure 81 T 
Figure 82 T 
Figure 83 T 


he main gate area after the reform (inside the medina). Tripoli ................... sse 93 
he continuity of the streets outside the medina walls. ................... seen 95 
he Roman gate separated from the new urban spaces (became the hidden gate) ............................. 95 


Figure 84 Ottoman primary elements next to the Castle. ............... sese 96 


Figure 85 T 
Figure 86 T 


Figure 87 Views of streets in the Ottoman fabric and arches... 97 


Figure 88 T 


Figure 89 Sequential photos taken during the walk through during the Ottoman Tripoli... 


he use of the arch and the medina's visual connectivity. .............. seen 98 


Figure 90 Section planes in the Ottoman model....................... sse 101 
Figure 91 The embedded vied file of the walkthrough, for digital copy. cscs 102 
Figure 92 Map showing the location and proximity Sicilia & 'Tripoli..................... seen 107 
Figute:93:Map: of Libya'and its desert. etate ee teet napa neta Aina hag ER HH P Ree Pete nae 108 
Figure 94 Aerial view 1: Tripoli’s 1912 main open space named the Bread market, and the tomb................. 110 
Higure:95 Aetial view:2: The medinaun 1912... uote oeste ttt thi detis Ea ..109 


Figure 96 Aerial view 3: The bread market area... 


Figure 97 Aerial view 4: The water front prior to the Italian cornicha Tripoli.. zd 
Figure 98 Map of Tripoli during the Ottomans at 1910. sse etententententetenenenetentennnenn 111 
Figure 99 Sky line of the outer side of Tripoli's wall in 1911... seen 112 
Figure 100 Old port of Tripoli showing the deep and shallow side of the water... sss 115 
Figure 101 The port level and the current docks location. ..................sssseeeeeeeeneetetetees 115 
Figure 102 The Italian invasion in 1911, the Italian troops landing on the coasts of Tripoli.. 115 
Figure: T05-Farst plan for Tripoli tr, 19 12:..... tlie gei tee rte Ut esee E Here true 116 
Figure 104 The old port of Tripoli prior to the Italian intervention. ............... seen 117 
Figure 105: The:Ttalan plan o£ Erpoli.. eee e e eee 117 
Figure 106 Photo of the rail tracks ruing along the medina west wall...................... eee 118 
Figure 107 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on December 1911 in the bread market Tripoli. . 119 


Figure 108 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on Oct 1911 in the bread market Tripoli. ......... .119 
Figure 109 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on October 1911 in the bread market Tripoli.. .120 
Figure 110 The Italian troops ahead of the commandos’ Wing.. .............. seen 120 
Figure 111 Dead bodies of the resistance outside the city. .............. seen 121 
Figure 112 Libyan bodies scattered in the open spaces outside the medina. .................ssssssseeee 122 
Figure: 113 The:exile.o£ Libyan Men eene tee ANANE tet tetto teca ri Hex pesseertbee esit etd 123 
Figure 114 The exile of Libyan men ................. eee i23 
Figure 115 Military forces lined-up on both sides for the Italians.. ... «124 
Figure 116 The Italian boundary to mark the Italian territory around Tripoli .. 25 
Figure: 117 Italtanowall around Tripoli 5 enero edente peti das dide ec ERO 125 
Figure 118 The new Italian wall, its openings, the radial street system and the medina entrance..................... 126 
Figure 119 The difference in terms of the medina in Tripoli, a medina inside a medina. ................ s l127 
Figure 120 The Italians construction of the new gate ............ sse 2 £29 
Figure 121 Photo of both gates in Tripoli the Ottoman and the new Italian in 1930. 21231 
Figure 122 The separation of the old medina by building the new gate. ............... see 131 
Figure 123 The Camel market during the Ottomans................sssseeeeeeneneeteetetentettenentenenenetentetnnenn 132 


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124 The camel market turned to an Italian hotel........................ eene 132 
125 View for inside the spaces toward the new Italian gate. ................. seen 132 
126 A new public spaces emerged between the new hotel and the castle known as the clock square. 133 
127 Generated Model of the Italian intervention. The hotel that replaced the camel market. ............. 133 
128 Sectionin the clock fidam in Tripolin t ettet nni tette tea He E Pe Eee udin 133 
129 The Roman arch during the Ottomans and the Italian colony. ................ eee 134 
130 The Italians avoided demolishing the Ottoman mosque.................. eene 134 
151-rhearca ot the new Italian fOtm. 12a pinna ae oe mie aa Diese Pepe op de tipa rg Od S RE geeid 135 
132 The existing two paths for the Roman area. srania nanana E AEAEE R 135 
133-Photo-ot St Maty Cathedral. ;ooie ero Rt p EO TED ERG EGER SOEUR Rx DEG EEDIRC 136 
134 The Italian interventions in the old city... 135 
135 The Italian interventions in the old city before and after demolishing part of the medina's wall. 137 
136 The circle of interest connecting idea path and the places of interest ................ sss 138 
137 Drawing of Volpi's pore seatrontiboulevard: «5 estie e e diee teer 140 
138 Volpi's seafront boulevatd ... d Bs sasctdeiien deside cease E ER 140 
139 T tipol/i's Local market... eter is oe € ont 141 
140 Examples of the Moorash Architecture in Tripoli.................. sees 142 
141 Diagram to compare the changes of flow of movement in the Italian plans. ....................sss 143 
142 ‘The location-of the Castle ön the coast Ime. uten bene riren pope Ree rib NE epos 144 
143 Tripoli’s coast line during the Italian colony, the soft and hard sides of the water edge................ 144 
144 The size of the castle compared to the old medina and the Italians new city... sss 145 
145 The location of Tripoli's Governor Palace. ..ccccccsssessesssssessessssessessessesssssesssssssessessessssssssssssssssesssssssesens 145 
146 Tripoli’s Cathedral of San Cuore Di Gesu (1923-1928). sss 146 
147 The relation between the Italian plaza, the Cathedral plaza and the Governor palace. .................. 146 
148 Diagram of the important changes under Volpi's governance. ............sseeeeeeen 147 
149 Entrance of Tripoli’s International fair designed by Limongelli, and a diagram of its location. ... 148 
150 Tripoli- Grand Prix car formala Tace: siete We degere tine ede te tite a eee eerta ja 149 
151 Competition for the accommodation Cathedral Square of Tripoli 1.................. sss 151 
152 Competition for the accommodation Cathedral Square of Tripoli 2 uid dens 151 
153 The connection of the Cathedral plaza with the other space in the colony. cscs 152 
154 Publication Of La:Libia:19936.. :. tote tire ute eter Dota DEDE EO PORRO DH dE DERd 154 
155 Advertising posters of Tripolis events. ........... see - IIR 154 
156 The arrival of the first group of Italian settlers to the port of Tripoli. ................ sse 155 
157 The new settlers gathered in the plaza del Castelo. ..................ssssseeeeneenetene 155 
158 The proposal of the Piazza Italia 1931 cisini eaae EEE R 156 
159 Italian Public buildings in Tripoli........ € Gau ieens 157 
160 The generated 3d model of the Italian buildings in ihe COLE Tripoli oes cesses cease cece n nds 157 
161 The Ottoman Fountain in the bread market became Horses fountain in Piazza de Italia............. 159 
162 Fountain in the weekly market turned into Right; fountain in Piazza in Tripoli.............................. 159 
163 Hammoda tomb in the Ottoman time became mosque during the Italian colony in Tripoll........ 160 
164 Analysis of the continuity of the spaces from out of the old medina. ................... sss 161 
165 The Italan plaza in Tripolt.......... eerte ipee ipe pie tet Di e a ea epe ee optan 162 
166 Tripoli's water entrance. Right the water entrance in Venice ...........sssssseeeeeeeeeeeeenn 163 
167 Tripoli's water entrance and the Castle plaza. ............... sse BERRAR 163 
168 Piazza Del Cathedral Tripoli; To emphasize the Italian the monument................. see 164 
169 Removing the social activities from the bread market and its effect on the old medina. ............... 165 
170 Tripoli's coast line. Left: during the Ottomans. Right during the Italians .................... sss 166 
171 Tripoli’s water entrance and its continuity with the coastline................ sse 167 
172 Changes to the Ottoman fountain during the Italians and later years. ................. sss 168 
173 Arial views of Tripoli at the late Italian colony. ................. eene 169 
174 Sequential photos taken during the walk through during the Italian nue PHP OMA ens 170 
175 Sections in Tripoli's core area and the Italian urban fabric 5 - BneP PNE 172 
176 The video of the generated 3d visual walk .............................. A s EUR 172 
177 Militarising public spaces in Tripoli during the WW... nee 179 
178 The WW2 map showing the British advance to Tripoli. ................. sse 180 
179 The three main regions in Libya. ............... see A EAA A A ARA MR 181 
180 Adrian Pelt avenue in Tripoli 1953 OMA 182 
181 Photos of the damage of the residential area in the old medii. nds 185 
182 A frame of a recording video of booms landing on the port. .............. sss 185 
183 Exterior and interior photos of the demolished building The Miramar theatre. ............................. 185 
184 The location of the theatre in relation to the castle and the waterfront. ................ sss 186 
185 Before and after the Miramar building was boomed. the relation of the new space ....................... 186 
186:Therelation of the new space... ee tete ttes cette c ase reip anna da a ee ecce ipn ada 187 
187 Seance from the walk through the Castello plaza .................. eene 187 


xi 


Figure 188 Celebrations on independence Day in Tripoli. 1951 cece ccscssessesseseeseesesseesessessessessesseseessssessessesesnees 190 


Figure 189 Plan integrating the old madina with the Italian fabric... 193 
Figure 190 Footage captured from state tv live broadcast of the incidents. ............... sss 198 
Figure 191 Footage captured from state tv live broadcast of the incidents. ..............ssssssseeeeee 198 
Figure: 192 The proposed wallz ziehe bete Pine ne tees etate tos 199 
Figure 193 Tripoli changes to the water connection. . 202 
Figure 194 Relocating the coastline in Tripoli .................. see we 203 
Figure 195 Relocating the coastline and the change to the city water front. Tripoli. ............... sss 203 
Figure 196 Before and after the cost relocation in Tripoli... 204 
Figure 197 The effects of the urban growth on the old medina entrances we 205 
Figure 198 The before and after the lake was built in Tripoli........................... w 206 
Figure 199 Before and after the hotel was demolished in old medina Tripoli... we 207 
Figure 200 Demolishing Hammoda mosque in Tripoli. .................. essent tette 208 
Figure: 201 TheTtalan bank’ in Etipolt eee terere teta tede reca dite ee tide 209 
Figure 202 Changes in the core space in Tripoli. Before and after the demolishing of urban blocks .............. 210 
Figure 203 Building that were demolished and rebuild in Tripoli....................... sse 211 
Figure 204 The division of the medina based on immigration. ...................... 2:213 


214 


Figure 205 Tripoli’s public spaces and the demonstration of political power. ..... . 
Figure 206 A google map and an Arial of Tripoli historical core centre in 2011.. we 214 
Figure 207 Preparing the photos and the remodelling process .....cccccscssessessessessesseseeseesesessessessessesssssssessessessessess 220 
Figure 208 Setting the axis, and locating the camera position ...cececcssessessessessessessesessessesessessesessssssssessesseseesnees 221 
Figure 209. Creating the 3D' model from: the photo... tee peint rie hn a fe eis ee Reo 221 
Figure 210 Scaling the 3d model and locating it on the CAD map .............. seen 221 
Figure 211 Viewing the structure and its relation to the public spaces, view 1 .... 2222 
Figure 212 Viewing the structure and its relation to the public spaces, view 2 .... 222 
Figure 213 Walking through the arcade,observing public spaces; the medina gate, castle, water entrance. .... 222 
Eigare 214 The Ottoman model of the’ space i eee e e eese te ete Ure E ete Peta didt 223 
Figure 215 The Italian model; the connection between the water entrance, the castle and the Italian square, 
and the medina main gates; neenon edidere D diee NER Eee de ric ede tede dea Mis 223 
Figure 216 The post Italian model; the separation of the medina from the Italian fabric, the expansion of the 
Italian square, the relocation of the coast line, and eliminating the water entrance... 223 
Figure 217 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The Independence avenue in 
the Ottoman; the Italian; and the post-colony.. usen pea ipea etes a Fee ete S 224 
Figure 218 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The water entrance in the 
Ottoman, the Italian, and the post-colony ................ sss tenente ntetnennn 224 
Figure 219 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The medina entrance in the 
Ottoman; thie-Ttalian; and the post: colony. cote een tege tres ete ae es e nv 225 
Figure 220 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The castle square in the Italian, 
and-the:posteolóny:.. 2i iie ae eda Aer teet te cascode descountdoasturssaatesescussaedasts 225 
Figure 221 Section in the Green Square during the post colony model. ...................... sse 226 
Figure 222 The analysis of public spaces in the late post colony era 2011... sse 2277 
Figure 223 Location of the Roman arch and its relation to the port area. wc 228 
Figure 224 The visibility of the Roman space from the street, and the Ottoman mosque ... 1229 
Figure 225 The motorway separating the arch space from the port area. ......... sse 230 
Figure 226 The elevated boundary of the old medina..................... seen 230 
Figure 227 The analysis of the Roman paths in the old medina and their relation to the medina gates. ......... 231 
Hioute-228 Land use Of theésateas secet a rete deed tenet eie ba e Eee ie etta ten 232 
Figure 229 The relation between the 1 the port, 2 the arch space, 3 the medina gate, the hotel. we 233 
Figure 230 Aerial view of the gate the arch space and the port.. 48/233 
Figure 231 Tripoli’s coastline space. w..cccecsssesessessessessessessesssssssesesseseeees 234 
Figure 232 The remains of the former coastline still appears in Tripoli. ................ sse 234 
Figure 233 The road separating the corniche from city. sse 235 
Figure 234 Activities developed along the corniche.2010 ...................sssseeeeeeeeenenetete teens 236 
Figure 235 The road separating the corniche from its surrounding.2010.................. sse 237 
Figure 236 Alghazala Intercontinental Hotel, left the project design, right the project under construction...237 
Figure 237 Elements in the Grand Hotel garden. ................ sse etetentettettntetetetetententnnenn 238 
Figure 238 The intersection of the garden's main paths with its surroundings. we 239 
Figure 239 Concrete barrier implemented in the middle to prevent people crossing to the corniche ............. 239 
Figure 240 The usability of the space in 2010... eene E EA EN tete ntenenn 240 
Figure 241 Arial views of Tripoli’s core area. 2010................ we 241 
Figure 242 The activities generated around the lake, 2010... «4242 
Figure 243 The Green Square in relation to the medina................... sse 243 
Figure 244 The view of the Green Square in Tripoli. the space transformed to a roundabout......................... 244 
Figure 245 The intersections between the green square and its urban surrounding................. sss 244 


xil 


Figure 246 The square transformed to a car park. Tripoli. 2010... 245 


List of Tables 


Table 1 Summary of the main spatial system of the medina Tripoli prior Ottoman ................. see 50 
Table 2 Comparison of forces of urban change prior to the reform... 82 
Table 3 Streets in medina Tripoli differ according to their historical origin, width, and function, streets of the 
lateottomans Period are fout types: s codeine mE Ree D CHEER MEE HERI RO EOD E AERE AGES 85 
Table 4 Continuity of the streets outside the medina walls ...................... eene 95 
Table 5 Stimulation study part 1 Tripoli in the Ottoman time ............. sse 

Table 6 Summary of the primary urban evidence of Tripoli during the Ottomans times. ............... sss 109 
Table 7 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the colonial time ................... sse 174 
Tables "Eripoli's püblic'spaces.duting the WN/2:. iie eet iesitten rapide iet i i d EEEE 189 
Table 9 Renaming the streets during independence from, A form of owning the space. sss 191 
Table 10 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the post-colonial time .................... sse 216 


xiii 


Chapter 1 


Introduction 


In many historic North African cities, it is common to find an old Islamic walled port city 
(medina), conserved in the centre of a dynamic and constantly transforming metropolis. 
Traditional methods of conserving walled cities - focusing on the medina in isolation - have 
in some cases negatively affected the integration of the medina in its wider historical context. 
Challenges of continuity and changes to the physical structure (urban growth), social changes 
(immigration, population growth), and political leaders and their interests, all played a role in 
driving the growth and change of urban form and consequently changed the public spaces 
within it. 

In this research, public spaces are comparable to the veins in the body: they need to be 
connected to support and drive the flow of movement. Public spaces in this research include 
streets, midan, squares, entry and exit points of the walled city, the port, the coastline, and 
open spaces in public buildings. In the case of historical centres such as the old medina 
Tripoli, continuity was disrupted at various points in its extended history, due to different 


stages of urban growth and interventions. 


Tripoli is a city that has undergone a dramatic transformation: from a historical port city 
founded by the Phoenicians, then controlled by the Romans (146 BCE - 450 CH), to being 
invaded by Vandals and the Byzantines during the fifth and sixth century. It became an 
Islamic city as it fell to Arab Muslims in 645, was occupied by the Spanish in 1510; forty 
years later it came under Turkish control and became part of the Ottoman Empire. During 
the colonisation of North Africa in the early 1890s it was taken over by the Italians (1911 - 
1943) and only gained independence in 1951'. Today Tripoli is a metropolis, the largest city 
in Libya, home to almost a third of the country's population. This transformation has been 
followed by large-scale interventions in Tripoli's built environment, and the public spaces 


within it. 


The effects of the urban growth of the old medina of Tripoli and its historic urban context 


needs to be understood before addressing any future urban regeneration and conservation 


! Mabel Loomis Todd, Tripoli the mysterious (Boston: Maynard and company, 1912). 


plans. Tripoli's urban fabric, located on the Mediterranean coastline, consists of diverse layers 
that are rich in historical urban artefacts and intangible cultural values. The integration of the 
walled city with its surrounding urban context is a key element in protecting, upgrading and 
sustaining Tripoli’s historical urban core: physically, socially and visually. On the one hand, 
this approach results in transformation through regeneration; on the other hand, the 
historical urban spaces and their underlying values can be preserved. Public spaces in Tripoli 
are well-known for their historical significance to Libyan people's lives, they remain cultural 
sites, even though decisions in the mid-20th and 21st centuries eroded the importance of 
their physical form, and their use. 

In the field of urban planning, there is on-going debate regarding people's relation to urban 
spaces. Urban spaces are considered to be a prerequisite for enhancing urban life and play a 
significant role in social transformations. Recently there is rising concern about the quality 
of urban spaces in the city and their role in forming new lifestyles, values, and attitudes 
towards the city. Public spaces in Tripoli should be considered in terms of their historical 
meaning and connotations, as well as the everyday experiences of people using the space; 
however, few studies have been framed around the historical context of urban space 


concentrating on public spaces in Tripoli. 


This research focuses on the dynamics of public spaces in a historical context, taking into 
consideration the international debate concerning the identification, preservation and 
valorisation of historical cities. The latest UNESCO recommendation, adopted on 10 
November 2011, emphasises the significance of layering urban values, with recognition of 
the importance of understanding the city's social, cultural and physical form in the historical 


utban context: 


The historic urban landscape is the urban area understood as the result of a historic layering of 
cultural and natural values and attributes, extending beyond the notion of historic centre or 


ensemble to include the broader urban context and its geographical setting?. 


Thus, this research investigates the evolution of public spaces in core of Tripoli across three 
layers of time (Ottoman Empire, Italian colony, Post-colony) and identifies the forces 
behind urban growth and change in each time period. The research will also outline the 
general characteristics of these spaces and the effect of the changes that took place, and 


investigate the continuity between different layers of time. The research will focus on the 


2 Part of the recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape1 adopted by the General Conference at its 36th session 
Paris, 10 November 2011. 


areas where these three layers interact: the old medina, the port, the Italian fabric and the 


coastline. These areas represent Tripoli's historical core. 


This study builds on the existing literature about Tripoli, providing an in-depth 
understanding of how public spaces in Tripoli evolved to be how they are today. This is the 
first study to investigate growth and change in public spaces chronologically. It will make a 
significant contribution to the understanding of the dynamics between the old Islamic 
medina and its surrounding built fabric. Furthermore, the research could serve as a reference 
for urban researchers in Tripoli as English literature on historical Tripoli is limited. This 
research will not only add to the literature and knowledge in the field of urban spaces in 
historical cities, it would develop a new method to examine urban changes in historical urban 


studies. 


The research strategy is two-fold: phase one is a historical analysis of public spaces in Tripoli 
that seeks to illuminate the forces that shaped the spaces in the city. The research identifies 
the characteristics of the public spaces and their development, and then evaluates the 
continuity within these spaces across the three layers of time. Phase two of the research 
develops an original method of investigating historical spaces. The research uses historical 
photos (photo mapping) to generate a 3D model of these spaces in order to investigate the 


effects of the changes that occurred. 


This research investigates the dynamics of public spaces in their wider context, including: the 
utban evidences and their surrounding built environment, both historic and contemporary; 
infrastructures; land-use and spatial organisation; and, the visual relationship with the overall 
setting. The research also considers social and cultural forces and values, social and economic 
activities, the unique characteristics of public spaces, and intangible dimensions related to 


diversity and perception. 


This research is significant as it is the first dedicated to investigating public spaces in Tripoli, 
a first step in a forthcoming line of research focusing on examining Tripoli’s public spaces 
and their role in the city. It also provides a base for comparing Tripoli with similar North 
African cases. In addition, this research developed an original methodology in investigating 
public spaces in historical urban research by generating 3D models of historical sites using 
photos. This research method is unique in urban research field, as it is mainly dominated by 


archaeologist and computer science research. 


The dissertation is organised into seven chapters: following this introduction is Chapter Two, 
a literature review that provides a theoretical perspective, including a theoretical focus on the 
concept of public spaces in general theory, summarising the main debates related to 
approaching public spaces in the city, public spaces in coastal cities and their relation to the 
port, as well as public spaces in the Islamic context. It also reviews the literature on photo- 
modelling as a tool to recreate historical urban structures, and its use as an urban research 
tool. It also includes the research design, outlines the research aim and question, and 
describes in detail the research methodology, the adopted methods and techniques employed 


in this research, and how and why this research strategy has been chosen. 


Chapter Three covers Tripoli under Ottoman rule. It first chronologically traces the urban 
interventions as they occurred and how they affected the evolution of public spaces. It then 
summarises the characteristics of public spaces during Ottoman rule, and concludes with an 
analysis of virtual changes using the visual model with a video recording of the walk through 
the 3D model spaces, thus demonstrating the continuity of the public spaces during Ottoman 


time. 


Chapter Four, building on the previous chapter, covers Tripoli's public spaces during Italian 
colonisation. It starts by chronologically investigating the forces behind urban growth and 
change at different stages of the colony. It considers forces such as the effects of Italian 
invasion, the Italian's interests and visions of the city. It then characterises the public spaces 
in Tripoli during the Italian colony and analyses the continuity of these spaces in relation to 
the older Ottoman fabric. The chapter ends with an analysis of the visual changes in the 
public spaces using the second regenerated model (the 3D model of Tripoli's spaces during 


the Italian colony), including the recorded video of the walk through these spaces. 


Chapter Five covers Tripoli under Gaddafi's rule. It first examines the forces of growth and 
change in the city as it transitioned from being an Italian colony to being independent, and 
then focuses on the Gaddafi regime by outlining the type of rule the city was under. The 
chapter concludes with an analysis of the continuity of public spaces in Tripoli, including the 


virtual changes using the visual model with a video recording of the walk through the spaces. 


Chapter Six presents the results of the 3D modelling methodology used in this research. The 
chapter starts with a description of the overall idea and - particularly as part of urban history 


reseatch - it highlights the strengths and weakness of this method. It then outlines the data 


generated by the research in different sets of time. Further, it analyses the quality and 
accuracy of the end result of this method. 

Chapter Seven forms the conclusion of the research. It offers a brief summary and 
assessment of the main findings and how these relate to the research questions raised. It also 
includes a discussion of the significance of the findings. The chapter concludes by explaining 
the main challenges and limitations of the research, and possible future research 


opportunities. 


Chapter 2 


Literature review 


2.1. Introduction 

Tripoli has undergone a dramatic transformation, from a historical Islamic port city to a large 
metropolis. This has been achieved through large-scale and incremental interventions in the 
built environment in the form of Ottoman and Italian reforms made to the Islamic city. Each 
era forms a layer with unique dynamics that distinguish the built form, cultural and natural 
value. Public spaces, Islamic urbanity, colonisation, city resources (such as the city’s port and 


waterfront) will be the focus of this research. 


The topic of public spaces is very broad, thus the literature selected for this research will 
address major concepts relevant to the dynamics of public spaces. The literature review will 
be structured as follows: firstly, a discussion of general theories around public spaces; 
secondly, a review of the concept of public spaces in the historical context of the research 
(the Islamic, colonial, and port city contexts); lastly, an outline of the photo-based 3D 
modelling concepts and techniques, and an evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of 


each concept. 


2.2 Public Spaces general theories 

Definition wise the term Public Space in the dictionary is an open space that is public; relates 
to or involves people in general rather than being restricted to a specific group; an empty 
atea that is available to be used.’ Based on these definitions, the main dynamics of public 
spaces ate those associated with people (social) and space (physical). Howevet, as the space 
cannot be separated from its context, we need to investigate it as patt of its evolving context. 
This research focuses on understanding the dynamics of growth and change of public spaces 
of Tripoli within in the urban context of Ancient Islamic Colonial Port City — the definition 
of public space in this research and the approach used will be defined at the end of the 


literature review. 


In English language literature, the topic of public spaces has been widely debated, between architects, 
planners, geographers, urban and social researchers, constituting different waves of research 
concerning public spaces and the approach of space in the urban context. An important 


reference that gathered the perspective of different research fields on the topic of spaces is 


3 Cambridge dictionary online http://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/british/ 


6 


the work of Ali Madanipour, Urban design and dilemmas of space (1996).* His attempts to 
conceptualise space in a way that combines different views and could be shared with other 
reseatch fields was an inspiration of this study. Madanipour argues for an approach that 
"refers to our objective, physical space with its social and psychological dimensions”’, a 
process that builds understanding by “monitoring the way the space is being made and 


296 


remade, at the intersection of the development processes and everyday life”®. In order to 
understand the need for such an approach, the research outlines the existing research 
approaches and methods used to investigate urban spaces. The literature review will be 
organised into groups following the development of the theories: public spaces and the 


physical form; public space as a social space; public spaces as an experiential space. 


2.2.1 Public spaces and the physical form: 


One way that researchers approach public spaces is by considering their purely physical form. 
The focus of this kind of research is on the physical space, regardless of its social relations. 
Order, unity, balance, proportion, scale, hierarchy, symmetry, rhythm, contrast, context, 
detail, texture, harmony, beauty: all of these factors represent urban tools to understanding 


public space in its physical form. 


The physicality of space in its urban context can be seen addressed in large-scale projects; 
architects such as Le Corbusier (1887-1965) ’ had a vision for the urban form, an idea of the 
ideal city, consisting of high-rise building blocks surrounded by a net of streets. He developed 
projects such as “Ville Contemporaine” a city for three million inhabitants in 1922, and “The 
Radiant City" in 1935. Le Cotbusier's theory has been heavily criticised: the city cannot be 
seen as a “machine”; people live in these cities too*. By using high-rise buildings, he did not 
just separate the space from the urban fabric, he separated daily interactions from these 
spaces too; the public spaces around the blocks lost their social qualities. The physicality of 
space can also be seen in small-scale projects. Krier (1979)’ considered spaces in an urban 


context to be those that are framed by buildings. He defined spaces as: “all types of space 


2310 


between buildings in towns and localities Squares, streets, parks, paths and all spaces 


between buildings are considered public spaces, under this definition the spaces can be 


* Ali Madanipour, 'Urban design and dilemmas of space', Environment and Planning D: Society and Spaces, 14 (1999), 331-355. 
5 Madanipour, 1996. p.331 

6 Ibid., p.332. 

7 Gerald Steyn. 'Le Corbusier's town-planning ideas and the ideas of history', SAJAH, 27 (2012), 
https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/21479/Steyn_LeCorbusier%282012%29.pdfPsequence=1 (83-106). 
8 Robert Fishman, Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Le Corbusier 
(Cambridge: Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1982). 

? Robert Krier, Urban Space (Rizzoli International Publications, 1979). 

10 Thid., p.120. 


7 


understood by analysing its physical form by defining its basic geometry: spaces such as 


streets, squares, playgrounds, were nothing more than voids created by buildings. 


Since every architectural volume, every structure of walls, constitutes a boundary, a pause in 
the continuity of space, it is clear that every building functions in the creation of two kinds of 
space: its internal space, completely defined by the building itself, and its external or urban 


space, defined by that building and the others around it.!! 


This definition and theory have been strongly critiqued: urban space cannot be generalised 
to all spaces between buildings. Spaces are not simply created and defined by the built 
elevations surrounding them. However, tracing the process of building the physical form of 
the public space reveals important aspects such as continuity, accessibility, reflections on the 
cultural elements of the space, and the dynamics that encouraged the evolution of public 


spaces in the city. 


2.2.2 Public space as a social space 


A different approach towards public spaces is to consider them as relational spaces. Jacobs 
The Death and Life of great American Cities, 1961" and Lefebvre The Production of Space, 1991? 
thought of space as being relational, focusing on both the physical and social functionality 
of space: “All buildings, objects and spaces in an urban environment, as well as the people, 


events and relationships within them" ". 


Jacobs (1961) was the first to combine activities and place as an added quality of the urban 
space. In her book The Death and Life of Great American Cities, she argues that urban space is 
important because of the activities that take place within them, and she defines three main 
dynamics that affect the social use of urban space: the availability of primary uses in the area, 
intensity, and permeability of the physical urban form (i.e: mixture of building types, age, 
size, and condition). So, beside the structural form there is a need to recognise that the 
activities that take place in the urban space are what keeps it alive: “places are not just a 


specific space, but all the activities and events which made it possible" ”. 


Lefebvre (1991) argues that in order to understand the space we need to search for its 


meaning and the way it has been produced. He argues that space is not a neutral, a pre- 


11 Ali Madanipour, Design of Urban Space: An Inquiry into a Socio-Spatial Process (John Wiley & Sons, 1996). 

12 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of great American Cities (Vintage Books, 1961). 

15 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Wiley, 1991). 

1^ Madanipour.1999. 

15 Matthew Carmona and others, Public Places - Urban Spaces is a Holistic Guide to the Many Complex and Interacting 
Dimensions of Urban Design (Routledge, 2012). 


8 


existing given, but rather considers an on-going production of spatial relations, looking to 


the public space as a continual process of social development. 


Other researchers evaluated social aspects of the public space created through human 
dynamics. Jan Gehl, in his book Cities for People 2010'°, defines human activity in three types: 
first, necessary activities, functional activities such as going to school and shopping, which 
he considers to have minimal influence on the built environment; second, optional activities 
such as taking a stroll, which have a considerable influence on the urban space; third, social 
activities that are often spontaneous, such as passing conversation. The activities that take 


place in a space form an important part of its qualities. 


Gehl also points out three qualities of a space: flexibility or multi-functionality; micro-climate 
of the built environment; and, scale. Gehl emphasised the importance of the relationship 
between scale and social activities: large-scale (holistic, the city as seen from a distance); 
middle-scale (development scale, individual quarters, the organisation of space and 
buildings); and, small-scale/eye-level scale (the human landscape, the city as experienced). 
Such a scale hierarchy illuminates the dynamics that form public spaces in a city; at each level 
a different research method is required, so further details can be revealed. For example, 
William Whyte’s (1980) influential research The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces" reveals the 
effectiveness of research on the street level. By using focus group observation and time lapse 
techniques, Whyte explained why some small spaces in New York work better than others, 
highlighting influences like the sun, wind, trees, water, food or different elements that draw 
people's attention, including street performers and the availability of seating places within 
the space. 

Another key concept when considering the dynamics of public spaces is the degree of 
accessibility for all people. The accessibility of an urban space can be assessed both physically 
and visually. Accessibility in the urban space can be described as the freedom or ability for 
the individual to achieve their basic needs and sustain their quality of life. In order for a space 
to play a tole in social life, the space needs good visibility from inside as well as outside”. 
Accessibility explains the usability of a public space, and is also one of the formative 
dynamics that directs the sequence of human movement and drives the development of the 
spatial and social hierarchies in a public space. Therefore, studying accessibility is crucial for 


this study. 


16 Jan Gehl, Cities for People Island Press, 2010). 
17 William Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces (Conservation Foundatio, 1980). 
18 Ali Madnipour, Public and Private Spaces of the City (Psychology Press, 2003). 


9 


The third approach to considering public spaces is based on their political and cultural 
aspects. Although the concept is not new, the relevance of public spaces as a place for 
gathering and social interaction has been clear in light of recent worldwide political events. 
In 2011 a wave of political unrest and change started in the Arab world and spread to some 
European countries. Under these circumstances, public spaces a powerful force in terms of 
people’s voices being heard. As this research is limited to the time prior to the Arab Spring, 


the political role of Tripoli's public spaces in the revolution is a subject for future research. 


2.2.3 Public spaces as an experiential space 


How individuals interact with public spaces is another consideration. Researchers have 
investigated how people configure the city space by recalling a mental image of their everyday 
experience. The influential work of Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (1960), used a technique 
called mental mapping. Lynch distinguished five elements that build up a city: paths (channels 
where people move); edges (linear elements such as railway lines); districts (sections of the 
city with a distinction character); nodes (strategic places people can access and interact 
within); and landmarks (reference points). All of these together give people a sense of the 


city, “the sense of the whole"; together they create an image of the city, in Lynch's words: 


In such a whole path would expose and prepare for the districts, and link together the various 
nodes. The nodes would joint and mark the paths, while the edges would bound off the 
districts and the landmark would indicate their cores. It is the total orchestration of these units 
which would knit together a dense and vivid image, and sustain it over areas of metropolitan 


20 
scale. 


Yet, in his research Lynch focused on the city in a fixed moment of time; he studied the five 
elements of the city regardless of their evolving urban context. The dynamics of the city as a 
constantly changing phenomenon are most evident in historical cities, where the urban form 
and the city it represents cannot be fully understood without context. Even though the 
method used by Lynch is restricted to the current users of the space, examining the relation 


of these five elements could enable the understanding of the evolution of public spaces. 


Another method of understanding public spaces is through people’s perception of the 
spaces, considering how entry and exit points, space sequences and links, are elements that 
contribute to individuals’ perception of space. Paths can be considered a perceptual line that 
connect public spaces: by moving from one space to another the individual experiences 


spaces in relation to each other, where they have been and where they anticipate going”. This 


19 Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (MIT Press, 1960) 
20 [bid., p.108. 
?! Frank Ching, Architecture Form and Space (John Wiley & Sons Inc, 1943) 


10 


movement through different spaces affects our perception of public spaces as a whole. Public 
spaces in the form of nodes are regarded as destinations; entry and exit points are important 
elements that support a space, especially in the context of walled cities. A narrow path with 
an open field of vision will encourage movement continuity and induce progression or 
sequence of events”. Encouraging people to circulate through spaces can be done in three 
different ways: physically, i.e.: the continuance of an arcade; socially, i.e.: designing places 
with social interaction in mind such as in Islamic cities where part of the path becomes a fina, 
a social interactive space, making the street progressive”; or, visually, by connecting the space 


so that what people see naturally directs their attention and movement. 


2.3 Public spaces as part of the city evolution: 

Interest in public spaces has increased, especially concerning cities with historic origin. The 
evolution of cities, their buildings and public spaces, do not just explain the identity of a city, 
but also provide valuable information in terms developing the city and meeting the demands 
of a future, modern, culturally diverse city. The history of the city in selective layers of time 
needs to be evaluated in order to understand public spaces, as “each of these past layers is 
loaded with historic significance, with war and struggle that may still be alive in people's 


memories”. 


Public spaces in the historical context can be considered in terms of their physical, social, 
symbolic, and psychological roles as arenas for ‘social interaction’. Spaces gain unique values 
over time: values from all the events that have taken place within them and imbued them 
with an important cultural and historical identity. These spaces not only shaped the cultural 
identity of an area, they formed part of its unique character and value system, and provided 
a sense of place for local communities in a dynamic changing city, and carried these qualities 


throughout time. 


Spaces can either be pre-designed and intentionally manmade, or evolve organically over 
time and remain subject to future change. UNESCO introduced its recommendation and 


action plan in 2011, defining historic areas broadly as the often-quoted principle: 


Every historic area and its surroundings should be considered in their totality as a coherent 
whole whose balance and specific nature depend on the fusion of the parts of which it is 


composed and which include human activities as much as the buildings, the spatial organization 


22 [bid., p.92. 

23 Besim Hakim, 'Learning from Traditional Mediterranean Codes. The essence of the traditional system prevalent in the 
Mediterranean region is found in the ethics and values related to habitat’. The town paper Council report, ii/iv. 2003. 
<http://www.tndtownpaper.com/council/Hakim.htm>. 

24 Ali Madnipour, Public Space and the Challenges of Urban Transformation in Europe (Routledge, 2014), p.5. 


11 


and the surroundings. All valid elements, including human activities, however modest, thus 


"m . . : : 25 
have significance in relation to the whole which must not be disregarded. > 


Within this holistic framework of public spaces evolution, changes gradually occur: changes 
to the physical form, to the types of activities that take places, to the visual aspects of these 


spaces. Such changes can either reinforce or restrict the space. 


The second section of the literature review concerns public spaces within the research 
context: in the context of a port city, in the Islamic context, and in the Italian colonial context. 
Each topic is vast and varied; the selection of research for this literature review is based on 


the formation of public spaces and the dynamics behind their growth and development. 


2.3.1 Public spaces and the port city 


Far from offering a complete overview of port city development studies, it is more important 
to draw attention to the primary dynamics - the spatial and social activities - that dictate the 
development of public spaces in coastal cities. Port cities have various features that relate to 
the growth of public spaces: the port, coastline, waterfront, social economic activities, and 


trade routes. 


The port—city evolution appears to be gradual rather than linear or chaotic, and in many cases 


largely influenced by regional factors and local strategies.?? 


As this study is concerned with the evolution of public spaces in a port city, as well as 
sustained linkages between the port and old medina, the literature has been limited to these 
key issues. Brian Hoyle (1988)" studied the development and dynamics at the port city 
interface. Hoyle summarises the relationship between the port’s function and size of the city 
and developments in different stages. Port cities started as markets for international goods; 
the harbour was an essential part of the city, surrounded by trader's dwellings. It was a place 
with combined functions: dwelling, storage, and trade and business administration. In the 
mid-19th century, the port city expanded to support industrial developments: bigger steam 
ships meant bigger spaces were required. The port changed from a place for trade to nodes 
of transportation and trade; this functional transformation resulted in the expansion of the 
utban fabric of the city: more people, more activities and more space were needed for labour. 
Developing technology resulted in larger and larger ships: the small ports could no longer 


manage, and new industrial ports were developed in different locations, often leaving the 


?5 UNESCO, Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape (2011) 

26 César Ducruet and Sung-Woo Lee, 'Frontline soldiers of globalisation: Port—city evolution and regional competition’. 
GeoJournal, 67 (2007), 107—122. 

27 B. S. Hoyle and others, Revitalising the Waterfront: International Dimensions of Dockland (Wiley-Blackwell, 1988) 


12 


inner-city port as a tourist site. This social and economic transformation leaves its mark on 


the physical shape of city. 


Rosa and Palma's (2013)? research on port city regeneration focused on the relationship 
between the historic city and the sea, comparing their case study Naples with different 
European cities. They emphasised the importance of culture as a way to overcome the post 


—industrial decline in interest in the port. 


Several port cities have invested in their cultural resources to exit from the post-industrial 
decline and recover the relations between port and city, in order for these interventions to be 
truly effective and allow wider processes of urban and sustainable regeneration to be 


triggered”. 


Urban centres are growing, rapidly changing the integrity of the port and the historic parts 


of the city: 


New functions were assigned to historical settlements, particularly in the service sector and 
tourism, which contributed to the welfare of the community, but often, also, to uncontrolled 
development and improper use of heritage assets, causing a progressive loss of material and 


: 30 
non-material value”. 


This integration could take different forms: physical, functional, visual, and perspective- 
based.*' Such loss is evident in many historic Islamic Arab cities: they become a port city 
with no port, interventions and land reclamations shifting the waterfront away from the old 


Islamic medina. 


2.3.2 Public spaces and Islamic city 


Studies on Islamic cities in the Arab world, especially in English literature, can be divided 
into three types based on their location: Middle East, North Africa - named Maghreb (Hakim 
1983, 1998, 2001; Huet, 1983; Saoud, 2004)”, and Gulf cities (Al-Hemaidi and Kassab 2001; 


27 Cetin Murat, "Transformation and perception of urban form in Arab city', International Journal of Civil e Environmental 
Engineering, 10 (2010), 30-34. 

28 Fortuna De Rosa and Maria Di Palma, 'Historic Urban Landscape Approach and Port Cities Identity and Outlook’. 
Sustainability, 5 (2013), 4268-4287. 

28 [bid., p.4282. 

9? Ibid., p.4270. 

31 Scamporrino, M, 'Mega ships and micro heritage. The tutela and valorization of the historical elements in the functional 
transformation of the Levorin harbour’, in Architecture, Archaeology and Contemporary City Planning. by Giorgio Verdiani and 
Per Cornell (Spain: Valencia, 2015), pp.122-131 (p.125) 

32 Basim Hakim, 'Arab-Islamic Urban Structure’, The Arabian Journal for Science and Engineering, 7 (1982), 69-79. 

- Basim Hakim, "Urban form in traditional Islamic cultures: further studies needed for formulating theory'. Cities, 16 
(1999), 51-55. 

- Basim Hakim, "Reviving the Rule System An approach for revitalizing traditional towns in Maghreb’, Czres, 18 (2001), 
87-92. 

- Huet Bernard, "The Modernity in a Tradition, the Arab-Muslim Culture of North Africa’. Mimar. 10 (1983). 

- Rabah Saoud, The Impact of Islam on Urban Development in North Africa (FSTC Limited, 2004). 


13 


Murat Cetin, 2010)”. Bearing in mind the differences between the regions, lessons can be 


learned from all, however this review will concentrate on the studies concerning North 


Africa. 


Researchers have approached public spaces in Islamic cities based on city formation. Islamic 
cities are either those created as an Islamic city (these are rare and include the city of Fustat 
in Egypt and the city Qayrawan in Tunisia)", or they ate cities that have been developed 
from pre-existing surrounding communities, such as cities of Roman origin (A-Sayyad, 
1995). Whether the city is originally built as an Islamic city or developed to become one, the 


formative forces are similar. 


In his early studies, Basim Hakim (1980)? outlines the planning principles of the Islamic city 
taken from (Sharia), a set of planning principles and behavioural guidelines. He reflected this 
information in spatial form, which gives a better understanding of why the Islamic city is in 


this organic form. 


Researchers have also focused on the main elements of the Islamic urban form and the way 
they are spatially arranged. City elements such as the Friday Mosque: beside its basic function 
as religious community centre, the mosque and its courtyard as a contained public space 


serves as a meeting space, and in some cases becomes the main element that drives the 


36 


evolution of the urban form”. The markets in the medina: either covered markets or trade 


activities in the open spaces". The madrasa (Islamic school): the higher institution for 
teaching Islam”. The streets are a public space in the Islamic city: general public streets to 


private narrow ended streets, and the city walls”. 


Public institutions in the Islamic world have been replaced by the (Al-Awqaf). This 
replacement changed the city's built form: public buildings normally part of the urban centre 
- ie.: city hall, banks, community centres and courts - do not exist in the Islamic city. 


Furthermore, the absence of formal planning institutions raises questions around whether 


33 Waleed Al-Hemaidi, "The metamorphosis of the urban fabric in Arab-Muslim City: Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’. Journal of 
Housing and the Built Environment, 16 (2001), 179-201. 
34 Anne E. Lester, Cities, Texts, and Social Networks, 400-1500: Experiences and Perceptions of Medieval Urban Space 
(Routledge, 2010), 45-65. 
35 Hakim, 1982. 
36 Nezar AlSayyad, 'Cities and Caliphs: On the Genesis of Arab Muslim Urbanism’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 54 
(1991), 224-226. 

Stefano Bianca, Urban Form in the Arab World: Past and Present (London,Thames and Hudson, 2000). 
37 Bianca, 2000. p122. 
38 Hakim, 1999. p53. 

Bianca, 2000. 112. 
39 Susan Slyomovics, The Walled Arab City in Literature, Architecture and History: The Living Medina in the Maghreb 
(London: Routledge, 2001). 


14 


the Islamic city has planning principles, or is it rather an organic city that develops based on 


site constraints, building materials, and size of community." 


2.3.3 Public spaces and Italian colony Tripoli 


The North African region has been made up of different and diverse colonies; French, 
Spanish, British and Italians. Each ruling power contributed to the colony’s urban formation 
and development. Tripoli was an Italian colony for 34 years, during which time the Italians 
built the Italian quarter, the largest part of Tripoli’s historical core. In the late 1980s, Mia 
Puller studied Tripoli’s colonial architecture and urban form. Fuller found there was a 
relationship between power and urban form in the colonial period; she explained this as a 
conflict between the Italian and Primitive. Based on the Italian ideology, three sets of times 
can be defined: the first from 1923 to 1928, where the focus was on Tripoli as the fourth 


shore, tracing the Roman remains and leading to a new empire: 


We were already there...we left signs that not even the Berbers, the Bedouins and the Turks 
could erase; signs of our humanity and civilization, signs...that we are not Berbers, Bedouins 


and Turks. We are returning.*! 


Second, from 1929 to 1936, when the nature of colonial architecture emerged as the 
dominant concern and a discourse of planning began to occur. Finally, from 1937 to 1940, 


when the new questions of colonial urbanism became fully pronounced. 


Another researcher interested in the Italian colony is McLaren (2006)*. In his book 
"Architecture and Tourism in Italian Colonial Libya: An Ambivalent Modernism, he emphasises both 
the political role of the Italian colony and its effect on urban planning, and the importance 


of Tripoli as a tourist centre. 


Fuller and McLaren differ in the way they approach the urbanism of the Italian colony. 
Where Fuller compared the Italian colony in Libya to other countries - namely Eritrea, 
Somali, Ethiopia - McLaren focuses on Libya solely. However, both conducted their research 
based on interpretative studies available outside of Libya, and solely focused on the city 
during the Italian colony. Interpreting the colonial era with consideration of the former 


Ottoman era could give new insight into the dynamics shaping public space in Tripoli. 


*? Hisham Mortada, Traditional Islamic Principles of Built Environment (London: Routledge, 2005). 

Bianca, 2000. p.259. 
^! Mia Fuller, 'Building Power: Italy's Colonial Architecture and Urbanism, 1923-1940', Cultural Anthropology, 3 (1988), 455- 
487. 
# Brian McLaren, Architecture and Tourism in Italian Colonial Libya: An Ambivalent Modernism (University of 
Washington Press, 2006) 


15 


To conclude, in this research public spaces ate a variety of open spaces with different 
characteristics in the urban fabric: Roman spaces, Islamic spaces, colonial spaces, post- 
colonial spaces, all which connects the historical layers of the city’s urban fabric. Public 
spaces in the historical urban context in Tripoli include: the port, squares, midans, streets, 
waterfront, open and closed markets, city entrances and exits. Public spaces during the 
timespan of this research are dynamic and gradually changing, either in their physical form 


ot in terms of social uses and consequently how these spaces are perceived and represented. 


This research approach public spaces as an ongoing process of growth and change. Changes 
in public spaces are considered by examining the changes in physical form, changes in the 
social activities that take places in and around these spaces, as well as the changes in the 
perception of the spaces. An approach that investigation the dynamics forming public spaces, 
interpreting the historical context of public space, their physical form, the development of 
activities happening in and around the public space is an attempt to highlight the underlying 
quality of the urban spaces in Tripoli. In order to assist sustaining public spaces in historical 


context without compromising their character and identity. 


2.4 Photo based 3D modelling. 


Photo modelling is not a new concept: it is developed and heavily utilised, especially in the 
computer science field. Generated 3D models in the literature are referred to in various ways, 
such as “Cybercity”, “Virtual City", or “Digital City". Even though the aim is the same - to 
build a virtual city of the existing city - in the literature different research projects developed 
different methods and techniques, and consequently yielded different results. Research in the 
computer field includes: Singh, S. Jain, K and Mandia, R. (2013); Mohan, S and Murali, S. (2012); 
Ob et. al. (2001); Reid, A and Zisserman, A. (2000); and, van den Hengel et. al. (2006). The following 
section will discuss the research threads that are close to the present study, based on the 


modelling process. 
2.4.1 Multi photo modelling: 


2.4.1.1 Geomatics research; a thread of research based on the extraction of a 3D model 
using methods such as remote sensing, geographical information systems, and 
Photogrammetric’. The Photogrammetric, a fusion of photographs and laser, “is the most 


effective solution to create 3D city model. It gives a better result and good accuracy". 


4 Surendra Pal Singh and others, 'Virtual 3d City Modelling: Techniques and Applications', in International Archives of 
the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences. 8th 3DGeoInfo Conference & WG II/2 
Workshop, 27 — 29 November, (Istanbul, 2013). 

*4 [bid,. p.85. 


16 


However, the accuracy of this 3D model method and its error margin depend heavily on the 
resolution of the satellite images. The process is also constrained by the cost of the laser 


equipment, and the availability of satellite images as some countries restrict aerial flight. 


2.4.1.2 Structure from motion (SfM): SfM is based on the idea of extracting a 3D model 
from a projection of 2D photos. This is a fully automated system based on photo sequencing, 
during which the camera takes photos of the structure from different angles, taking into an 
account the need to overlap photos in certain instances (Le: edges, corners) The 
corresponding points in the images are identified (fig.1a). The rays intersecting these points 


are generated, after which the 3D structure is automatically restructured (fig.1b). 


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a. Photos of the structure from different sides. b. Corresponding points in in the photos 


c. Redefining the position of these points in a 3d space and forming the shape of the structure. 


Figure 1 The structure from motion modelling process. 


Source: https:/ /www.youtube.com/ watch?v-i7ierVkXYa8 


Photo Tourism is a system that inspired a new line of research; it involves exploring photo 
collections in 3D. Goesele eż al. (2007) is one example of this kind of research. A multi-view 


stereo algorithm “capable of computing high quality reconstructions of a wide range of 


17 


scenes from large, shared, multi-user photo collections available on the Internet’. 


Structures can be rebuilt by creating depth maps that are then combined into a single mesh. 


ie. 


an Í > Ah os Oh 


Example of the photo tourism modelling results. St. Peter cathedral modelling: its corresponding depth 
maps and its shaded renderings depth map 


A 


Figure 2 Modelling using the photo tourism approach. Source: Goesele 2007. 


Even though this system produces some good results, it cannot be employed in the context 
of historical research, as photos are limited and taking new photos is impossible as many 


historic buildings are demolished or changed. 
2.4.2 Single-view modelling techniques 


3D reconstruction from a single image must necessarily be through an interactive process in 
which the user provides information about the scene structure. Such information may be in 
terms of vanishing points or vanishing lines, co-planarity, spatial inter-relationship of features, 
surface normal, and camera parameters. Some of the traditional approaches based on shape, 


shading and texture have complicated user interaction in terms of specifying the inputs.*¢ 


Drawing perspectives from photography, deconstructing prospective images. A prospective 
image is one in which all the parallel lines on the plane lead to a vanishing point. Each image 
has a unique vanishing point that depends on the height of the camera, the type of lens and 
the angle of the camera, the type of lens and most importantly the location of the camera. 
Depending on the content prospective photos could include 1 point perspective, two points 


prospective, or three points prospective. 


^5 Michael Goesele and others, ' Multi-view stereo for community photo collections ', in: The international conference on 
computer vision. (Rio de Janeiro, 2007). 

46 S Mohan and S Murali, 'Multi-View Stereo Reconstruction Technique', in: Image Based 3D Modelling and Rendering from 
Single View Perspective Images, by S Mohan and S Murali (IGI Global, 2013). 604-619. 


18 


vanishing points i ieee 
z 4 x y 
Y 


P 
P ó ^ p d 
udi A NM p 
/ AW Nour “7s 
/ \ d 
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vis 
one-point two-point three-point 
perspective perspective perspective 
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Figure 3 Illustration of parallel lines and the convergence to vanishing points. Source: 
<http://mathworld.wolfram.com/VanishingPoint.html> 


The latest version of SketchUp includes single modelling techniques under the name of 
PhotoMatch. PhotoMatch is a feature that allows the researcher to first configure the image’s 


vanishing points by manually configuring the parallel lines, and then trace over a photograph 


and model its geometry". 


Pat Fete 


47 A. Criminisil. Reid A. Zisserman, 'Single View Metrology’. International Journal of Computer, 40 (2000), 123—148. 
19 


Figure 4 configuring the photos vanishing points using SketchUp. 


source: Sketchup help centre. https://help.sketchup.com/pl/article/3000115 


This is a powerful modelling aid in the architectural field, as it has become an automated 
process. Researchers such as Sinha et al 2008. developed “snap line segments to vanishing 
directions” in the form of vanishing point constraints, that snip the extra lines when 
intersected in the plane. The automation of the process results in smooth modelling, 
however, this automated technique needs more than one photo to fully generate the 


structure. 


Figure 5 configuration of the vanishing in different photos of the structure and snipping the intersections 


Source: Sinha, S. et al. 2008 


Tripoli’s urban core transformed dramatically across the span of the research: new urban 
developments were constructed and buildings were demolished. The research is limited to 


the photos that already exist of the space. Thus, for this research a single-view modelling 


48 Sudipta N. Sinha and others, "Interactive 3D Architectural Modelling from Unordered Photo Collections'. ACM 
Transactions on Graphics, 27 (2008). 


20 


method was used to rebuild Tripoli’s core areas in three different sets of time. Following this, 
a walk through tour was generated within the site to provide a valuable perspective on the 


urban changes. 


2.5 Research Aims: 


The researcher’s personal experience and general observations of different historic North 
African cities raised the question of why public spaces in some historical cities work better 
than others. Work refers to the continuity of social activities between the old and the new 
spaces. North African cities have similar history, geography, culture and religion, all of which 
is reflected in the Islamic core surrounded by a colonial urban fabric followed by a spread of 
rapid urban city development”; yet public spaces within these cities vary in terms of their 


conservation and sustained development. 


The research aims to understand the evolution of public spaces in Tripoli, the sense of 
continuity and disruption, by investigating the dynamics behind their growth and 
change. The research investigates the dynamics of public spaces in Tripoli within the 
processes of formation and modernisation, with a practical focus on the physical connections 
between the public spaces, their underlying social activities, and the visual continuity. 
Understanding these dynamics can help to resolve questions around how Tripoli’s historic 
public spaces can be sustained without compromising their character and identity, defining 
a methodological approach towards conservation and the development of public spaces in 


the old medina, so that they do not lose their historical qualities and significance. 


2.5.1 Research objectives: 


The main objective of this research is to study the evolution of public spaces in their 
historical urban context in Tripoli: configuring the origins of public spaces and tracing their 
transformation through time, and ascertaining how and why public spaces in Tripoli are the 


way they are today. 


Objective 1: To trace and investigate the historical roots of Tripoli's urbanization as evidence 


of the initial emergence of Tripoli's public spaces. 


Objective 2: To identify the dynamics that shaped public spaces in the old medina of Tripoli 


and which gave it its uniqueness and special characteristics 


4# Stanley D. Brunn and others, Cities of the World: Regional Patterns and Urban Environments (Rowman & Littlefield, 2003). 
21 


Objective 3: To examine the connectivity of public spaces in Tripoli's core area, in each layer 
of time, as well as the connectivity between the three layers: Ottoman rule, the Italian colony, 


and post-colony 


Objective 4: To develop an original methodology of investigating the visual change in public 
spaces. To generate a 3D model of the buildings and urban fabric from the historical photos, 
regenerating the historical sites, and then conducting a virtual walk along the site in different 
sets of time. This method transforms the researcher from an observer of the change to 


experiencing the change. 


2.5.2 Research Questions: 


1- What are the distinctive characteristics of public spaces in Tripoli? And, what role did the 
building of and public response to key urban artefacts and monuments play in the dynamics 


of public spaces over time? 


2- What are the key connections between Tripoli's public spaces in the old medina, up to 
2011?; between the urban fabric and the waterfront/port?; between the old medina and the 


Italian colonial quarter?; between the evolving urban spaces themselves? 


3- How do social activities contribute to the evolution of public spaces? Which spaces are 
used/neglected, where they are located? And, how are they connected to the rest of the 
medina? What type of social activities takes place in the public spaces? These questions will 


be considered in each layer of time 


4- How can new methods of 3D urban modelling enable a visual investigation and 


experiencing of the evolution of public spaces in the defined research periods?. 


2.6 Research Methodology and Methods 


Public spaces as a topic is diverse and thus requires the adoption of a diverse research 


methodology, bearing in mind the strengths and weaknesses of each. 


A combination of interpretive historical research, simulation research and case study research 


(fig.6) 1s the best means of answering the research questions. 


Interpretive 


Historical 


Figure 6 The research Strategy 
intersection of the mixed methods 
22 used in this research. 


The research was a three-phase process. In order to understand the forces shaping the city, 
the research tackles public spaces and their dynamics in three different periods of time, 
namely: the Ottomans, Tripoli as an Italian colony, and post-colony. These three phases of 
time were each analysed using the above outlined integrated mixed method strategy. In each 
layer, the research first identified the most significant urban evidence, and the ways they 
contributed to the development of public spaces in Tripoli. Second, the research 
concentrated on case studies, offering an analysis of public spaces in the core medina (the 
intersection area of the three layers). Third, the research developed three virtual models of 


the spaces and a virtual walking tour. 


1911 - 1920 


cae 1920 - 1951 © 


Figure 7 Chronologically investigating the urban evidence in each layer of time. 


23 


Tripoli under the 
Ottoman rue 


1551-1911 


Tripoli as an 
Italian colony 


1911-1951 


Tripoli as a post- 
colony 


1951-2011 


The forces of growth and change of 


Historical interoretive research 
public spaces in Tripoli during the 


Ottoman rule. 


Continuity & disruptive of public spaces 


The forces of growth and change of 
public spaces in Tripoli during the 
Italian colony. 


Continuity & disruptive of public spaces 


The forces of growth and change of 
public spaces in Tripoli during the 
post-colony era 


Continuity & disruptive of public spaces 


i Morphological analysis. 


Simulation analysis (3D model) 


| Morphological analysis. 


| Simulation analysis (3D model) 


l Morphological analysis. 


! Simulation analysis (3D model) 


Case within a case 


————————————————————————— ru. 


Dynamics of Growth 
and change of Tripoli's 
public spaces: 


under the Ottoman 
rule 


Dynamics of Growth 
and change of Tripoli's 
public spaces: 


during the Italian 
colonisation 


Dynamics of Growth 
and change of Tripoli's 
public spaces: 


during post-colony 


Dynamics of growth and change of public spaces in the Urban core of Tripoli 


Figure 8 The three layers two stage research design. Diagram of the research aims and the methods 


24 


Research Methods 


Four methods were used in conducting this study: 1) A description and content analysis of 
collected archival materials concerning historical artefacts and their role in forming Tripoli's 
public spaces; 2) spatial mapping analysis; 3) photographic analysis; and, 4) modelling. The 
methods and data gathering tactics used in this research can be explained based on the main 


research objectives separately, as each question needs to be addressed differently. 


1- What are the significant urban elements that contributed to the urban city? This question 


is explored using interpretive historical research 


Interpreting historical archives from the Ottoman time: data gathered from secondary 
sources (namely accredited travellers) and documentation before and after Ottoman control 
over Tripoli. The sources were investigated chronologically. Some historical sources proved 
important to the research, as they mentioned influential elements of the city that no longer 
exist. Sources such as Al Abdari was the only document to mention Tripoli’s Grand Mosque 
and Islamic school”; evidence of this mosque as shown in this research is mapped during 
the Spanish invasion. Another primary source regarding the Ottoman era is Letters Written 
During a Ten Year's Residence at the Court of Tripoli, a book published in 1816 based on 100 
letters written by the sister-in-law of the British Consul in Tripoli (Miss Tully), covering 
Tripoli between 1783-1793. This book gives detailed descriptions of the city and its urban 
spaces. Secondary sources included the work of Nura Lafi, an Algerian researcher interested 


in investigating the urban administration’s policies and reforms during the Ottoman time. 


During the second layer, the colonial time, data for the analysis was gathered from maps of 
Tripoli developed during the Italian colony and archives. The research also depended heavily 
on the qualitative data captured in the photographs taken of the public spaces during the 
Italian colony. Photos from the Libyan Centre of Archives and Historical Studies (LCAHS), 
the archival collection of the Library of Al-Saraia al-Hamra Museum (ASHM) and the Central 
Museum of al-Saraia al-Hamra Tripoli (CMSH), and official historical libraries of the medina, 
as well as the private collections of some key informants in Tripoli, were chronologically 
sorted and geographically referenced. The first years of the colony and the wartime struggle 
were covered by Ms Mabel Loomis Todd during her two years in Tripoli with her husband. 
She detailed her observations in a book called Tripoli the mysterious (1912), which focused on 


North African culture and depicted the struggle of the city during the Italian invasion 


50 Both demolished prior to the Ottomans. 


25 


Data concerning the third layer of the research, the post-colonial era, are traced on both 
maps and photograph analysis. There was a lack of reasonable explanation as to why certain 
changes took place during the Gaddafi regime. The main sources of data are archival data 
photographs, secondary sources, government documents, and recollections written in articles 
published after the Gaddafi regime. Data sources also included all means of documentation: 
published and unpublished documents, images, maps, archive, videos, memoirs or diaries, 


formal and informal documents. 


What are the dynamics of historical public spaces in old medina Tripoli? This question 
focused on the physical form of public spaces in Tripoli and was approached with a 
morphological analysis: the formation and development of public space throughout time, the 
topography, surrounding built environment, infrastructures, land use and spatial 
otganisation, the visual relationship with the overall setting and with the port, focusing on 
spatial patterns, connectivity, and social activities. The public spaces were analysed in terms 
of their accessibility and connection with waterfront and the port. Data for this analysis was 
gathered from all means of documents: archival documents - Libyan, Italian and Ottoman - 


maps, formal and oral archives, photos. 


The question of examining changes in social activities within Tripoli’s public spaces requires 
investigating social and cultural practices and values, and social economic activities in the old 
medina using both historical interpretive research (archival review, oral history) and 
qualitative research investigating the contemporary situation (informal interviews with senior 
residents living in Tripoli’s old city). Photographic and textual data are required in order to 
explore the different types of social activities taking place in public spaces, identifying 


vulnerable and marginal public spaces within the historical urban city. 


4-To investigate visual changes, the historical photos of Tripoli from all three layers of time 
were gathered. Data for the Ottoman time consists mainly of photos taken either prior to 
the Italian invasion, or in the first years of colonisation (1911). Photos of the Italian colony 
provide insight into the 32 years of Italian colonisation. The Italians used photography to 
advertise the colony and so there is much documentation of public spaces before, during, 
and after Italian interventions have taken place. The researcher and other Libyan 


photographers provided the photographic data of the final time layer. 


4- The modelling method used in this research is effective with a limited number of photos: 
the full structure of a building can be built using just two photos, and if it is in its urban 
context one photo could regenerate the structure. It is due to these factors that the modelling 


was possible, by using historical photos of buildings that no longer exist. The research uses 


26 


the vast photographic documentation of Tripoli’s core. The researcher relied heavily of 
archival historical photos in four places in Tripoli namely; The Libyan Centre of Archives 
and Historical Studies (LCAHS); Archival collection of the Library of Al-Saraia al-Hamra 
Museum (ASHM), Central Museum of al-Saraia al-Hamra Tripoli (CMSH), Official historical 
libraries of the Medina of Tripoli, as well as private collections of some of the study's key 


informants in Tripoli, including public figures, and historians. 


This methodology and data gathering method are the most suitable for answering the 
reseatch questions. This approach addresses the dynamics of public space, taking into 


consideration historical, social, physical, and visual analyses of the urban space. 


2.7 Limitation 


Public spaces, urban spaces and historical spaces are well-established subjects in academic 
reseatch. Howevet, in the case of Tripoli, research conducted before 2011 generally displays 
favour towards the Gaddafi regime, either the result of fear or loyalty. Thus, resources and 


published research during the Gaddafi time must be viewed critically and questioned. 


This thesis considers the evolution and change of public spaces as part of the city's urban 
context, in which the country is in its transitional face. The study considers where and how 
the public spaces have transformed and change in different setting of time. Thus, the research 
focused on the areas where these time periods intersect, to study the continuity of the change, 


rather than evaluating the entirety of public spaces in each layet. 


The study is set to explore the changes up till the end of the Gaddafi regime 2011, as not 
much have physically changed in terms of public spaces in Tripoli. Even though socially the 
spaces became more accessible, there are no longer public restrictions, the unstable condition 
of the city, limited the usability of these spaces. Any analysis of the usability of public spaces 


before the country regained its control and become safe, could not be possible. 


2.8 Future research: 


Tripoli could be a suitable comparison case analysis to other similar cases in North Africa, 
such as Alexandria, Tunis and Tangier, all of which share a similar religion, geographical 


location, and colonial history (Fig.9). 


24 


a. Tripoli b. Alexandria c. Tangier d. Tunis 


Figure 9 Location of case studies along the North African coast line. Source: Google earth 


In future research, the developed models could be transformed into interactive models that 
could enable researchers to investigate and simulate other aspects of the city. It could also 
be developed with other modern technology such as Virtual Reality, allowing the user to 


experience and relive the urban changes. 


28 


Chapter Three 


Dynamics of public spaces and built environment of Tripoli under the Ottomans 


3.1 Introduction 


This chapter outlines the research findings concerning the forces behind the historical 
transformations of Tripoli’s public spaces under Ottoman tule, tracing the roots and origins 
of the primary elements" that contributed to this evolution. The analysis chronologically 
addresses the political, social, urban factors and events that shaped public spaces in Tripoli. 
The research is based on reasoned analysis of urban evidence, directly mapping the urban 
changes under the Ottomans as a starting point for the urban change in the next layer off 
time. This chapter is divided into two sections. Section one investigates the forces of 
evolution and change in Tripolis public spaces, as well as defining the main characteristics 
of public spaces during Ottoman tule. Section two is a morphological analysis examining the 


sense of continuity in Tripoli’s public spaces: physically, socially, and visually during this time. 


Section one (empirical research) starts in 1551, when Tripoli had no formal documentation 
ot mapping of its urban fabric or public spaces. However, examining the notes and 
descriptions of historic travellers and geographers who visited Tripoli provides, to some 
extent, important urban evidence of the medina's evolution. Understanding the forces behind 
this founding urban evidence and analysing the effect on Tripoli's public spaces (i.e.: streets, 


courts, gates, and markets) explains how the medina's public spaces took their form. 


Section two (morphological reseatch) examines public spaces at the end of Ottoman rule in 
1911, investigating the continuity of public spaces in three different forms: physical, social, 
and visual. This section of the research is based on a combination of 2D map analysis and a 
simulation-based analysis using a 3D model developed by the researcher of the main public 
spaces during Ottoman times. The chapter concludes with a summary of the main forces 
that shaped public spaces in Tripoli during the Ottoman period, and their general 
characteristics, as a base for the analysis of the next chapter (Tripoli during Italian 


colonisation). 


5! Urban artefact with a dominant nature, its uniqueness based on either its form or function at that time. 


29 


The urban forces of evolution and change in Tripoli’s public spaces during 


Ottoman rule: 


The medina of Tripoli has undergone various dramatic urban transformations during its long 
history. Founded as a port city by the Phoenicians, developed by the Romans between 146 
BCE - 450 CE, invaded by Vandals during the sixth century, it fell to Arab Muslims and 
became an Islamic city in 645 CE. It was occupied by the Spanish in 1510 CE; forty years 
later it came under Turkish control and was part of the Ottoman Empire for more than 400 
years before becoming an Italian colony in 1911”. Tripoli gained independence in 1951. 
During each of these transitions, Tripoli’s urban form and consequently its public spaces 


transformed and evolved. 


Although the time span for this research is set from the Ottoman involvement in Tripoli 
beginning in 1551, evidence of significant urban forces prior to that date could not be 
excluded from the research. The Ottomans entered Tripoli after most of the city had been 
destroyed by former Spanish troops. Apart from the medina's walls, castle, the Roman 
triumphal arch and a few religious buildings, the urban fabric was ruined ?. These Roman 
remains, however, can be considered important urban artefacts, as they were a significant 
factor in the subsequent urban evolution”. There is much urban evidence in Tripoli from 
times before Ottoman rule, which conceivably had an important effect on the development 
of the urban fabric of Al-medina. These elements are valuable in an investigation and 


evaluation of the transformation of public spaces in Tripoli's medina before Ottoman time. 


Based on urban evidence that is either still standing in the medina, or is mentioned in archival 
documents, two key transitional points in the history of Tripoli prior to the Ottomans can 
be identified, whose influence can still be seen in the medina today: the Roman time and the 
Muslim conquest. The present research started by conducting a historical interpretative 
research (using map analysis combined with archival data research), investigating the medina 


of Tripoli prior to the Ottomans: its urban forces, physical form and social activity. 


The analysis will include exploring the built form of the old city and its relation to public 
spaces, highlighting the urban elements that drove the development of public spaces in both 
the Roman settlement and the later Islamic medina, i.e.: the Roman port, streets, markets 


and Islamic mosques and schools. 


52 Khalifa Altlesi, The story of tbe city of Tripoli with Arab and foreign travellers (Tripoli: Arab book house, 1974). [In Arabic] 
55 Omar Al-Baronie, Spaniards and the Knights of St. John in Tripoli (Tripoli: Maggie printing press, 1952), p.67. [In Arabic] 
54 Najib Al-Keep, The City of Tripoli through the History (Libya: Al- Dar Al-Arabia Lil-Kitab, 1978), p.27. [In Arabic] 


30 


3.2 Urban forces prior to the Ottomans: 


3.2.1 Tripoli as a Roman settlement: 

Tripoli, like many Islamic cities, evolved from Roman urban origins. Though research on 
Roman Tripoli is limited to archaeological studies, descriptions of the medina’s Roman 
features can be found in the wider research context — (the Roman Libya)”. Other cities within 
the Roman Empire with similar origins have been widely researched in literature. The best 


56 from 1941. He summarised the Roman influence 


example of this is the work of J. Sauvaget 
on the city Demas (Damascus) and its later Islamic form. In his research he states that the 
Roman urban elements influenced and shaped the city in two ways: internally and externally. 
External forces include the basic Roman plan, the Roman walls, the gates, the temple, and 
how they were maintained after the Muslim Conquest. Internally, Sauvaget considers the 
effect of the Roman street network and the grid plan that was developed into zigzagged 


streets with dead ends and blind alleys. The existence of the Roman urban form in Damascus 


guided the later Islamic form; this happened similarly in Tripoli prior to the Ottomans. 


Thus, analysing the main morphological component of the Roman remains underlying the 
medina can be used to partly explain the perception of the medina’s public spaces and how 
they evolved. Tripoli was strongly positioned in comparison to other Roman cities in Libya 
due to its location beside a natural port. Together with two other Roman settlements, 
Sabratha and Leptis Magna, Tripoli formed the region of Tripolitania”. The surviving Roman 


remains in the other two cities could be an indication of the sophisticated urban development 


of Roman Tripoli. 
| sa "a " Miles - 
MD 7 + - — ne,” is 
c Tri voli =~ Main roads = ==-==Motorable tracks 
— Sabra medi o Romano-Libyan sites visited 
— — — Tc x sites not visited 
1 EU. = Homs 
Plains Pa Lees Magna 


i ATissabat E alten 
Tih p i . <A pni Se ~ 
[^ arhynas, p d iw E 


"p 
(Sh UES 


Bir os Š Pr Il t 


"" 


Ne Ww A 
\ Beni Ulid Ks ee 


LI " 
~% Bir Tarsin 


ii raf, _ P 


— a mds D Aa vn ens Hn "nie Faschigg 


Figure 10 Roman sites in Tripolitania. Tripoli was known as Oea. Source: Goodchils 1950. 


55 Due to the occupation of Tripoli throughout history, the Roman buildings were either demolished or neglected to a 
bad state, so most of the Roman studies were concentrated on the other two cities of Tripolitania region. 

56 Somaiyeh Falahat, Re-imaging the city: a new conceptualisation of the urban logic of the Islamic city (Wiesbaden: 
Springer Vieweg, 2014) 

57 R. G. Goodchild, 'Roman Tripolitania: Reconnaissance in the desert frontier zone', Geographical Journal, 115 (1950), 161- 
171. 


31 


1, Entrance to cacavations & Capitolium il. Temple of 

2, Byzantine gate 7, Temple of Serapis ]2 & I3 Christian Basilicas 

3. South Fonigi Tempie B. Curia 14, Baths of Oceania 

4, Antonine Temple 9. Basilica of Justinian 15, Peristyle house 

5. Temple of Liber Paler 10. Scuward Baths ‘ 


Figure 11 Roman city of Sabratha5*. Source: Raymond Schoder, Collection. 


The setting of the Roman site in Tripoli is not easily defined. The only Roman remains in 
the city today are the arch and a few archaeological from the Roman wall surrounding the 
Roman city”. In addition to the unsettled history, corruption and neglect, early archaeological 
attempts to document Roman Tripoli were rejected by the Ottomans, as noted by the sister- 
in-law of the late Richard Tully, the Britannic Majesty’s Council in the court of Tripoli, Miss 
Tully. In her book Lezrers Written During 10 Years Of Residence In Tripoli, she writes: 


Europeans are often tempted to bring these antiquities to light: and they might doubtless make 
great and useful discoveries, but the Moors [locals] and jealous Turks will not permit them to 
disturb a stone, or move a grain of sand on such an account; and repeated messages have been 


sent from the castle on these occasions to warn Christians of their danger. 


The absence of pre-Italian studies on the Roman sites in Tripoli was also confirmed in the 


writings of the British archaeologist who led the Department of Antiquity of Cyrenaica 1953- 


58 Schoder, Sabratha Plan Map, Loyola University Chicago Digital Special Collections, 
<http://www.lib.luc.edu/specialcollections/items/show/768> [accessed January 21, 2015]. 
59 Al-Keep, 1978. p.27 

Mohamed Amouta, Tripoli: The Arabic City and Its Islamic Architecture (Tripoli: Dar El-Ferjani, 1993) [In Arabic] 
0 Miss Tully, Letters Written During a Ten Years' Residence at the Court of Tripoli (London: Cox and Baylis, 1819). p.18 
* Published from the original letters in the possession of the family of the late Richard Tully. 


32 


1966; Richard Goodchild: “The existing cartography of [Roman] Tripolitania is based almost 


entirely on Italian work’. 


It was not until the early years of the Italian colonial period, when Italian archaeologists, 
headed by Federico Halbherr, arrived in Libya in 1910 and led the first scientific explorations 
in Tripolitania^, that was light shed on the existence of the Roman urbanity in the medina 


Oea, as it was known during the Romans, as described below: 


Mosaics and foundations have been found between Bab-el-Gedid and the sea and also in the 
neighbourhood of the former Spanish Fort which stood on the harbour mole; a Phoenician 
cemetery of the Roman period has been excavated at the Forte della Vite; and there are 
remains of what may have been a private house under the new Cassa di Risparmio on the 
waterfront north of the Castello. Under the Castle itself, the construction of the docks tunnel 
brought to light a network of heavy concrete foundations, some platforms of sandstone 
blocks, remains of mosaic pavements and a few large cipolin marble columns; all of which 


suggest that a large public building stood on this spot®. 


However, archaeologists have not been able to give a full picture of what the city was like, 
due to its poor condition. Alongside the archaeological discoveries, more can be said about 
the Roman influence on Tripoli’s urban fabric through interpretation of historical maps and 
cartographies, and through analysis of five important Roman features in Tripoli: The Roman 
port, the walls, gates, arch and street network. This research will consider the outcome of 
these primary urban elements and their relation to the later urban developments in the 


medina. 


3.2.1.1 The Roman Port: 


The Roman port, known today as the medina old port, was closely connected to the 
formation of Roman Tripoli’s urban fabric. It can be clearly seen that the port played an 


important role in driving the orientation of the city's urban fabric and the public spaces 


within it^. As aforementioned, during Roman times the city was an urban settlement with 


trade activities that relied mainly on the usability of the port. The fact that the Roman walls 
surrounded the medina from all sides toward the land but opened directly on the port 
indicates the strong physical, social and visual connection between the port area and the 
Roman settlement. By picturing the area inside the medina walls as an empty space in a room, 


the port was the main door to that room, the main non-physical gate to the spaces in the city 


61 Goodchild, p.162. 

62 Galaty Michael L and Watkinson Charles, Archaeology under Dictatorship (New York: Springer, 2004) 

63 D.E.L. Haynes, Ancient Tripolitania (Nabu Press, 1953). p.80 

64 Ali Andishe, The political and economic history of the three cities (Tripoli: Dar Al Jamahiriya, 1993) 
Jon Wright, History of Libya since ancient time (C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2012) 

65 D J Mattingly, Tripolitania (London: Routledge, 2003) 


33 


(fig.12). The port formed the main drive for the orientation and spatial organisation of the 


public spaces in the medina. 


ae 
wo walis / Pé 


DA Natural border 


L Port activities x 4 


Figure 12 The Roman port and the Roman settlement 


Tripoli as part of the Tripolitania was a fertile region that exported olive oil, gold and slaves 
imported from the Sahara. The port was busy, with trader’s daily activities, unloading and 
transporting good to the city. Tripoli relayed on caravans as a way to gather/transport goods 
from/to South Africa cities (fig.13), the sound, the movements, even the smell are shared 
and transferred openly through public spaces. All the port activities were under the sight of 
public spaces users. All of which implies the importance of the Roman port as an urban 


element in people's daily life. 


atn, i 

HCM TE Mine. — AME "f = 

CGhadames 5? oT PRIROLITANIA S 15 Cuir 
] t CYRENAICA | ae 

s y | Pm? “SOP e- 


"---* 


LJ 
i RET 
» 1 prt! rc E A \ LIBYAN 
" E uiam 1 "-. po Mh Naar” + DESERT 
» x s 
E pela" ! I est^ matan uUPRA 
LLLI ' 
VF OANCER v" ] S | wn MAN) 1 


i 
p 
' 
' 


nonku 
' 
H , 
* , ANGIENT MALI 
, my VESTES 
B E^. 
ANGIEN'T GHANA "^ E d 
fne ierit JNGHAINSS, 


' 
à RNIN 


zi 


Figure 13 Roman trade routes of Northern Africa. Source: Wright 1989. 


66 Olwen Brogan, "The Camel in Roman Tripolitania". Papers of the British School at Rome. 22 (1954). 126-13. 
34 


3.2.1.2 The Roman walls & gates: 


Tripoli’s Roman walls contained and defined the inner space of the settlement. The Roman 
walls were unique to the North African cities as they surrounded the settlement from the 


land only, leaving the city exposed directly to the harbour, physically and visually (fig.14). 


Based on the map, the city had two boundaries, first the water edge (the North and the East 
side), and the land (the South and West side), but historical texts mention another natural 


boundary, a saline soil on the side of the Roman walls limiting the size of the city”. 


Figure 14 Map of Roman Tripoli the layout and origins of the city during Roman times, ca.160s CE. Source. 
Modified from the description of Amoura, 1993:67 


Despite the paucity of evidence, it can be said that Roman Tripoli, with its walls embracing 
the sea, must have had a balance of security and openness. The fact that the Roman 
settlement functioned as a trade centre importing and exporting goods by both land and sea, 
indicates the security of the waterside, a safety that influenced the development of public 
spaces in the city. Furthermore, as a North African city where the weather is generally hot, 
public space in Tripoli benefited from the wall opening toward the sea as this encouraged 
the summer breeze to cross the city and cool the heat of summer sun, making these spaces 


more pleasant to use. The openness towards the waterside also extended the city’s public 


© Abu- Obeida Al Bakti, A-Masalik wa'l-Mamalik (Dar Al Arabiya lelKitab, 1992). 


35 


spaces visually to include the wide sea space; all straight streets ended with an open vista of 


the sea. 


The Romans walls surrounded the city from the land side and the sea formed a 
natural boundary to the city. The main entrance to the city was from the sea 
side, the port area. 


Figure 15 The Roman walls and Tripoli’s natural borders during the Romans time. 


Tripoli as a Roman city appears on maps to have had only four gates; none of which, 
however, formed a main entrance to the city. The gates controlled the flow of travellers 
to/from the other two Roman cities in the Tripolitania region, yet - due to the remote 
distance - these gates were less active than the port area. The main activity of the city occurred 
on the waterside: Tripoli, along with the other two Roman cities in the region, became a 
major reception centre for goods (i.e.: pottery, ceramics, glass, marble, weapons, textiles, and 
wool) in Central Africa. Exports were sent to Rome and some Mediterranean ports ^. The 


gates had less effect on the development public spaces - they acted as the city's back doors. 


3.2.1.3 The Roman Arch: 


The third key element of the Roman urban fabric still stands in the medina today: the Marcus 
Aurelius arch (121-180 CE), a triumphal arch built by Septimius Severus? to honour the 
Roman Emperor. The arch was meant as a memorial gift to the emperor of Rome Marcus 
Aurelius”, The significance of this arch as an urban element to this research can be 
summarised considering two main factors: the physical factors ;its location, approach, entry, 
path configuration, access, developing a sequence of spaces and its view, and social factors 


;iconic element for local identity and pride. 


68 Hassun Abu Madina, The Geography of Tarabulus Al Gharb Port (Misrata: Dar Mkatabat Alshab, 2005) [In Arabic] 
99 Anthony Birley, Septimius Severus: The African Emperor (London: Routledge, 2002) 
Septimius Severus was born in 145 in Tripolitania and later became the Emperor. 


70 Thid,. p.82. 
36 


[| 


ae |Ym 


During the Italian colony The arch today 


Figure 16 The Roman arch in Tripoli in different layers of time. 


The significance of this arch as an urban element to this research can be summarised 
considering two main factors: the physical factors (its location, approach, entry, path 
configuration, access, developing a sequence of spaces and its view), and social factors (iconic 


element for local identity and pride). 


Therefore, the place chosen for such a monument would have likely been important. The 
chosen location would have been physically and symbolically significant: a place that is easily 
accessed/approached and visually seen by both locals and visitors, from in and out of the 
city (Fig.17). Positioning the arch close to the Roman port, facing the sea, not only 
emphasised the importance of the port area as an entrance space, it also formed the centre 


for a main public space in the Roman city [Arch Space]. 


The location of the Roman 
arch reinforces the idea that the 
port was the main entrance to 
the Roman city. 


Figure 17 Location of the Roman arch and its relation to the old port. 


71 Haynes,1953. p.80 
37 


Bearing in mind the Roman arch was built in 163 A.D. (the later years of Roman Tripoli), 


the intersection of the two main paths connecting the port space to the city gates already 


existed. This could explain why the arch did not align perpendicularly with the paths, as 
shown in (fig.18). 


Figure 18 Ground Plan of Tripoli's Roman atch. Figure 19 The Roman atch and the intersection of two Roman 


paths. Source: Department of archaeology, Tripoli, Libya 


However, even though the arch didn’t form the intersection between cardo axis and the main 
decumanus axis (as shown), it did reinforce their importance. The arch upgraded the 
intersection by transforming the space from being a node developed by the intersection of 
two paths, to a landmark, giving the space iconic value (fig.20). The arch also added to the 
sequence of spaces in the Roman city, directing the flow of movement from the port space 
through the arch space and to either of the gate spaces”. The movement through these 
spaces not only improved the functioning and activities within the spaces but also added a 


visual continuity to the Roman paths (fig.20). 


P 
| tin. * 
There is a strong y The two Roman streets P "ul 
correlation between P id connecting these spaces r 1 
the port space, the : O0 together were the main y d \ 
atch spaces and the A paths in the city. Pis \ 
city gates. a A 
‘ \ 
xv ' 


Figure 20 The Roman arch relation to the port and the Roman gates. 


7? Spaces that are outside the two Roman gates. 


38 


Evidence of these paths is found in Ms Tully’s description of the city hundreds of years 
later, in 1819: 


The town stands on a foundation of rock. Here and there are a few remains of pavement, 


some of which are very ancient, and appear evidently to be Roman”. 


Here is one of the famous Roman highways, leading from this place to Tunis: it is called by the 
Moors [the Arab Libyan] the great western road. For some miles from Tripoli it has undergone 
no change whatever but remains in the same state as the Romans left it. It is extremely broad 
and smooth, and there are still existing remains of houses the work of former ages, many of 


them built of stone by the Romans.”4 


The contrast of the arch size and form with its surroundings made it visibly notable from a 
considerable distance. Even with the absence of the wall on the seaside, the arch visually 
acted as an indicator of the city's main entrance. Furthermore, the span of the arch is wider 


on the road leading to the port, indicating the important role of sea access to the city”. 


Socially, the arch of Marcus Aurelius became and still is a landmark in Tripoli. The arch was 
an iconic urban element; it was respected and protected by locals. During the Islamic 
conquest - except removing some details i.e. the faces of the men on the sides of the arch - 
the arch was preserved in its full form. The prominence of the arch in the mind of the people 
protected it from several attempts of destruction and reuse of its stones in constructing other 


buildings during the later Ottoman Empire”. 


Evidence of the arch’s physical form was found in detailed descriptions of the arch in 
different historical texts, but the researcher was not able to find any clear indication of how 
the space around the arch was used socially, and if there were any social activities in, around 
ot even related to the space during the Islamic conquest. The arch today has lost parts of its 
structure due to absorption into the Ottoman urban fabric, however description of its full 


form is found in traveller documented visits to Tripoli throughout history. It was described 


in detail by Al- Abdari ” during his travel to Tripoli in 1289 as: 


A stone building that goes back to the Roman time, with a high dome on top of another dome, 
the lower dome had a locked door with pictures of a lion on each side of the entrance, the 


lions were held back by a man. 


Except for its sandstone foundations and a cement filling round the outside of the dome, it is 


built throughout of white Greek marble, an extravagance which distinguishes it at once as a 


75 Tully, 1819. p11. 

7^ Tully, 1819.p232. 

75 Salma K. Jayyusi and others, The City in the Islamic World, Vol 94/1 (Leiden : BRILL, 2008) 
76 Altlesi, 1974. p.100. 

77 Mohammed Al-Abdari, A/ Ri//a Al Magharibia (Algeria: Al Ma'arif Press, 1999) [In Arabic] 


39 


monument of more than ordinary pretensions. In form, it is a Janus or four-sided arch of 
rectangular plan and stood over a cross-road, part of the original paving of which has survived. 
A niche for statuary and a free-standing column stood to each side of the arches on the two 


longer elevations (east and west) which presumably faced on to the more important street”®. 


Through the research, the Ottomans, although they cannot be accused of deliberately 
neglecting the arch, viewed the arch as an earlier monument of no physical or symbolic 
significance - they simply appropriated it for functional purposes by converting it into 
storage, a construction dump, and eventually, under the late Ottoman rule, a shop (fig.21). 
Through these actions the Ottomans did not only distort the arch, they also neglected and 
undermined the public spaces surrounding it. The arch was built as a freestanding monument 
for people walk through and around: the Ottoman intervention affected the space both 
visually and physically, by merging the arch with the urban fabtic, as will be shown in a later 


section of this chapter. 


The integration of the Roman arch in the Ottomans urban fabric transformed the Roman arch from 
a free-standing monument in its own spaces to a privet structure used as for different purposes. This 
transformation not just affected the arch spaces, it also affected its connection with the other spaces 
in the medina specifically the port and the medina main gates. 


Figure 21 Photos of the Roman arch uses during the Ottomans. Source: Libyan Centre for Archives and 


Historical Studies. 


The arch formed an urban artefact, a persistent element in the constantly shifting 
composition of the city. The arch stands today on the North side of the medina next to the 
historical port. As will be shown in this research, the arch and the space around it have 
transformed dramatically over time. The arch was neglected by the Ottomans, fully exposed 
and restored during Italian colonisation, and later undermined by post-colonial planning and 
utban decisions. The arch space is today an isolated space that is hard to access, with no 


direct social or visual connection to the port area or any other public spaces in the medina.” 


78 Haynes, 1953. p.81. 
7 [n the researcher's personal experience, people live and work in Tripoli (close to the arch area) for years and have no 
idea that such arch exists. 


40 


"mM 


Figure 22 The Roman arch in Tripoli today. Source: the researcher's photo (July 2015) 


In summary, the medina in Roman times developed a strong urban identity in which public 
spaces were defined as safe with a strong visual presence. Through an analysis of the Roman 
elements that are either still standing in the medina today or are evidenced in historical texts, 
it is evident that there was a relationship between the five elements of the city. The Roman 
arch (landmark), the city gates (nodes) and the Roman port (natural edge), the street grid 
(paths), can explain the city's clear form? Even though the urban fabric of the city was 
mostly destroyed by the Vandals during the 5" century (fig.23), the vision and primary 
elements of the Roman spatial system have influenced the redevelopment of the urban fabric 


in later years. 


8? Lynch, 1960. 
4] 


METE ae Tros uid 


rue, vm d 


M uec cia. 


AR 


Figure 23 One of the earliest obtainable plans of Tripoli. (567). 


Source: Furlani, Paolo, cited in Paulus Swaen. Swaen.com/antique-map-of.php? id=2690 
3.2.2 Tripoli during the Islamic Conquest (645 — 1510 AD) 


The Islamic conquest spread over most of the coastal lands of North Africa. Tripoli entered 
a new era by accepting Islam as a religion. Since the commander Amr ibn-al- Aas entered 
Tripoli in 643 AD it has been an Islamic city. However, for the interest of this research the 
term Early Islamic Tripoli is used to describe Tripoli in its first 500 years of Islam (645- 
1510AD), to distinguish it from the later Islamic period (Ottoman years). It is necessary to 
make this distinction as the urban fabric built during the early years was largely destroyed by 
the Vandals, prior to the Ottomans, and therefore the later Islamic fabric of Tripoli is largely 


Ottoman-telated. 


Tripoli's urban form - as many other North African cities - transformed in order to contain 
and spread this new religion. The general changes that Islam introduced to urban cities are 
widely researched in English sources. In the case of early Islamic Tripoli, the main Islamic 
utban elements influencing the development of public spaces which this research will focus 
on ate: The Grand Mosque, the Islamic school, the changes to the Roman walls/gates, the 
markets and baths. Even with the lack of detailed maps depicting this stage of time, a lot can 
be revealed regarding how these urban elements affected the development and 
transformation of public spaces through examining their approach and entry, path 
configuration, access, and how the sequence of spaces was developed. The following section 


focuses on these five urban elements during early Islamic Tripoli. 


42 


3.2.2.1 Tripoli’s Grand Mosque and Islamic school 


Public spaces in Muslim cities are closely related to religious places. In the Muslim urban 
model, each city has at least one main mosque named The Grand Mosque or what is known 
in the literature as The Friday Mosque. This is a place for weekly gatherings in the medina, a 
place people go to do the Friday prayer". Attached to the Grand Mosque is a place to teach 
the Quran and the Islamic belief called madrassa an Islamic school, attracting people of 
different ages (starting as early as three years old). Much attention was given to the 
architecture and planning of these Islamic buildings in North Africa. Various famous 
examples still exist today: (the great mosque of Kairouan in Tunis 670 CE, El-Mursi Abul 
Abbas Mosque in Alexandria 1307CE, Grand Mosque of Tangier in Morocco 1095CE. 


Most of these historical mosques are not just designed for Islamic practice only; they also 
serve as a main public space in the city. Apart from praying they are also a place for every 
day socialising, religious/social celebrations, and during wars they act as a rallying point. 
Thus, they would be in locations accessible by all - both physically and visually. Throughout 
history they developed into iconic urban elements of the medina, promoting a sequence of 
public spaces in and around them in what later became the medina core; Tripoli was no 


exception. 


There are traces of Tripolis Grand Mosque evidenced in the documentation of travellers 
and cartographies drawn by Spanish troops in 1510 that support that early Islamic Tripoli 
fits this model. Tripoli’s Grand Mosque was a fine construction located at the core of the 
city, close to the harbour and the Roman arch, as described by the celebrated Moroccan 
scholar Al-Abdati * in his book A/Rsh/a Al-Magbribiya [in Arabic] documenting his travel 
across North Africa in 1309, as following: 


In the city, there is a grand mosque. The mosque is fascinating and the school is a building 


that I have never seen like in all the Maghreb9*. 


Further historical evidence of the Grand Mosque in Tripoli is provided by the map drawn 
by the Spanish in 1510 CE (fig.24). This map depicts that the Grand Mosque is located close 
to the Roman arch and next to the port. The location of the Grand Mosque is another 
indicator that the area next to the historical port and the Roman arch could have developed 
into an urban centre for the medina. Both the Grand Mosque and the Islamic School were 


demolished prior to the Ottomans gaining control over Tripoli, along with most of the other 


8! The Friday prayer in Islam is more rewarded as a prayer in congregation. 
82 Al-Abdari,1999. p.13. 
85 Translated by the researcher [In Arabic]. 


43 


Mosques of this period. The Grand Mosque was not replaced during the later years, meaning 
Tripoli lost the Islamic urban elements that influenced and drove the public spaces in the 


medina prior to the Ottomans control. 


he so Vide Gam 
don P doiza de $ 4 she hake. 


The only evidence of Tripoli’s Grand mosque number 8 on the map. It shows its location, its size and its 
design. Along with the other urban elements of the medina: the Islamic school number 17 on the map, the 
castle, the walls, the port as the main entrance to the city. 


Figure 24 Plan of Tripoli Barbarie. De Fer, Nicolas, 1646-1720. 


Special Collections and Archives, DePaul University Library; Chicago, IL, USA 60614. At: 
http:/ /library.depaul.edu/Collections. At https:/ / dpuspecialcollections.omeka.net/exhibits /show/mediterranean/item/201 


Beside the Grand Mosque, there were other small mosques in Tripoli that influenced the 
evolution of the medina. These mosques were built during the early Islamic era and rebuilt 
over and over in later years. The Amr bin —al-Aas mosque, the first to be built inside the 
medina walls, although described as a small and humble mosque, was built in a significant 
location. It was located south east of the city next to the main gate by which the Muslims 
entered the medina, along with other later historical mosques. This concentration of early 
mosques, in the south east of the medina far from the sea, explains the later evolution of this 
area into what is known today as the Muslim quarter (whereas the other two are known as 


the Jewish and the Christian quarters). 


44 


3.2.2.2 The city walls and gates 


Reshaping the medina Roman walls during the early Islamic period affected the public spaces 
in the city. The Roman walls (as in Alexandria) were knocked down by Amr bin —al-Aas in 
644 AC and rebuilt again in later years. Due to the rise of pirate activity, the fourth side was 
added, enclosing the medina on the harbour side. This was followed by another inner wall 
named Al Sitar [in Arabic] (the curtain wall), a shorter inner wall running around the inside 
of the earlier walls, set at a distance from the main walls and thus making a path between the 
old Roman walls and the curtain wall?. Reshaping the walls during the Islamic Conquest 
affected the medina both physically and visually. The development of the fourth side of the 
wall physically separated the urban fabric from the port, created an inside/outside space and 
limited the access to the port area. Furthermore, it developed a new gate, a one entry point 


to the city, a space named in this research as the entrance space (fig.25). 


Analysis of the special * 
information given in 

the historical texts. The 

medina walls, the arch, 

the curtain walls, the 

port and the main 3 
entrance. Archarear ‘*\ Entrance 


a 


Port 


Ld 
^ 
` 


Ld 
+ 
- 


s? 


L 
Y 
Figure 25 The change in the city public spaces after building the fourth side of the walls. 


3.2.2.3 The Medina Markets. 


Despite unrest in the early years before the Islamic era, the medina was well known for its 
history of trade activities, mainly by sea. These activities developed a strong correlation 
between the port, the markets and the medina entrance. Descriptions of the medina markets 
documented by different travellers unanimously agreed that the medina's main markets first 
developed outside the city walls in the area between the port and the medina walls (fig.26). 


The oldest description is offered by Ibn Hawqal during the 10" century in his book The Face 


84 Abu Mohammed Al-Tijani, Re//at AL Tijani (Al-Dar Al-Arabiya Ll-ketab, 1981) [In Arabic] 
Description of the medina's curtain walls found in the accounts of Abu Muhammed AI-Tijani in his travel (Rihlaht Al- 
Tijani) documentations in 1306. 


-Curtain wall: a wall built to reinforce the existing Roman wall. 
85 Al-Tijani, 1981. 


45 


of the World, he described Tripoli’s markets as huge, wide, diverse, and well developed”. 
Furthermore, other travellers added a water well and a small mosque outside the medina 


walls (next to the port). 


A white city made of white stones on the edge of the sea, its land is good for agriculture, fine 
markets, huge in size located outside the medina walls that the governor (Sultan) transferred 
some of these markets inside the city walls, the city have fruits that cannot be seen in other 


places in other Maghreb cities. 


Different cloths, wool fabrics, and other food and trade goods that enter and export the city by 


sea from and to the Roman and other Maghreb lands. 88 


Market space 


(ur SN ? | Port area 
e ^ ^ z 
j ( Entrence space a- 
à r 
j \ Roman arch space 
, \ Pig 
. , . 
PL A After the 4*^ wall was built, 
-z ; 4 ` the spaces divided from one 
Ns VN 1 combined space to sequence 
rm TZ l of small public spaces that 


led to each other. 


Figure 26 The market space in the area between the port and the Roman arch. 
3.2.2.4 The Streets and Baths 


As discussed in the previous section, Tripoli maintained the Roman grid system characterised 
by wide, straight streets, even after Islamic intervention. Al Tijani described the city streets 


in his documented travel in 1306 CE as: 


The city streets are amazingly clean, wide and straight, crossing the city vertically and 
horizontally, from the beginning of the city till the end just like (chess board), the streets so 


wide that (Al-Rkh) can easily pass through.9? 


Travellers during the Islamic time also mentioned the existence of public baths. The idea of 


building public baths in the medina was not an Islamic intervention; the baths were part of 


86 Muhammed Ibn Hawaal, The face of the world (Beirut:Dar Sader, 1928) [In Arabic] 

“A white city made of white stones on the edge of the sea, its land is good for agriculture, fine markets, huge in size 
located outside the medina walls that the governor (Sultan) transferred some of these markets inside the city walls, the city 
have fruits that cannot be seen in other places in other Maghreb cities" [In Arabic]. p.56. 

*Different cloths, wool fabrics, and other food and trade goods that enter and export the city by sea from and to the 
Roman and other Maghreb lands" [In Arabic]. p.57. 

87 [bid,. p.56. 

88 Tbid,. p.57. 


89 An imaginary bird known among Arabs for its huge size. 


46 


the former Roman city. However, their function changed. As mentioned by Al Tijani in 1306 


CE, Tripoli had three baths, one named The City Bath due to its location. 


The city bath (Al hamam) is located next to the castle (Al-kasba), it has a small court but its 


architecture was amazing. It was part of the castle until it was sold. Today it used for mosques 


purpose. 
Even though the city has two other baths but they are not as fine as the first one”, 


Dr. Magda Sibley, an expert on the subject of Hammames in North Africa have studied 


Tripoli’s Hammams and referred to location of the Roman baths: 


The organisation of the arteries inside the medina was basically planned on the Roman grid. 
Hence the hammams of the medina were also located on these main arteries, as was also the 
case of the Hadrianic baths built by the Romans in Leptis Magna, few kilometres East of 
Tripoli?! 
The usability of the existing Roman baths for prayer preparation developed a physical 
connection between them and the mosques in Tripoli, whether or not they were located in 


the same place”. 


The public bath plays an important role in the social activities of the Muslim community. It is 
the venue for a number washing rituals and the conduct of major ablutions before prayers. It is 
also a meeting space for interaction of various social groups, which regularly visit the 


hammam??., 


In later years this concept evolved to combine public baths and mosques in a form of an 


Islamic complex in Tripoli during the Ottomans, i.e. Darghut and Qarahmanli's complexes. 


Al Tijani, 1981. p.68. 

?! Magda Sibley and Iain Jackson, "The architecture of Islamic public baths of North Africa and the Middle East: an 
analysis of their internal spatial configurations’. ARQ: Architectural Research Quarterly, 16 (2012). 155-170 

?? Ibid,. p.94. 

3 Ibid,. p100. 


47 


3.2.3 Summary of the medina pre Ottoman 


Time/ Year 


City function 


Population 


Urban evidence (urban elements) 


City Urban Form 


Foundation 


- Originally built as a 
Phoenician settlement 


Small settlement 


- Natural harbour 


- Availability of agricultural land* 


Nothing remaining from the original Phoenician city. 


Roman city 


- Trade centre; from/to 


Europe and north 


Africa 


Increase in the urban 
population reaching 
30,000 


- Marcus Aurelius Arch 


- Ruins of: Phoenician cemetery / private 
houses/ docks tunnel under the castle 


- Roman baths 
- Roman walls 


- Roman Port 


-The city had two entry points from the land and was open to 
the harbour. 


- The streets are wide and straight with grid system 


- The intersection of the main two roads is defined by the 
Roman Arch. 


Vandal - The city transformed | Population decline | - Churches built - Neglected city 
to a Fort. from 30,000 to 7000 . f 
- City walls reinforced -Scattered churches 
- Trade activity has " f m . . 
> ; - Castle maintained - Public buildings have been turned to fortified residence 
declined rapidly. 
- Reinforcing the city defences and building new | - The city turned to a fort. 
towers. 
The late | - Islamic urban | - Increase in Tripoli | -Masjid Amr Ebn Alaass. The first city mosque. | - The city is double walled 
settlement population. 


Islamic years 


- An active trade centre 


- Islamic school (Madrassa) 
-The city’s Grand Mosque. 
- Baths 


- City walls; demolished and rebuilt 


- Streets are wide and linear crossing the city from North to 
South, South and West. 


- Main building with courts 


- Open spaces used as markets inside as well as outside the city 


walls. 


48 


Time/ Year 


City function 


Population 


Urban evidence (urban elements) 


City Urban Form 


- Water supply inside and outside the city walls 
- Open markets outside the city’s wall. 


- Water supply inside the city but people rejected 
to drink from, and another that is outside the 


city. 


- City has three Mosques; one which was (The Grand Mosque). 


- There are three baths 


Late Islamic | - Military base Dramatic decline in | - Parts of the walls have been turned down to use | - City destroyed during the fight. 
years population due; stone reinforce the castles defiance. . 
- Decline in the trade - The urban fabric was damaged and neglected. 
activities. - People fleeing the | - Two towers added on both sides of the castle 
city 
- Sold as slaves 
- Died in the war. 
Ottoman 1551 The Ottomans entered a city that is mostly destroyed 


- Abandoned by it its people 


- lost in 32 years what it was built in 500 years 


49 


City walls 


Streets 


Open spaces 


Main buildings 


Roman city 


Islamic city 


Late Islamic 


years 


2 Bur; Cerghat 


N. 
ich; N 


£ 9^2yt« Paiace 


« dy. Mosque 


n yi 


nthe 


Table 1 Summary of the main spatial system of the medina Tripoli prior to Ottoman rule 


50 


a Arch area 
@ Porarea 
AU Isolation 
— Roman walls 


à Entrence 
i Islafnte-centre 
6, 


Figure 27 Summary of the main spatial system of the medina Tripoli prior Ottomans stage. 


51 


3.3 Forces of growth and change during the Ottoman Empire 1551-1911 


The Ottomans ruled over Tripoli for 360 years, from 1551 until Italian colonisation in 1911. 
During this extended time, Tripoli evolved organically; there were no formal planning 
regulations to manage the development of public spaces within the urban form. the urban 
growth was guided by “senior consultants gathered within the Masjid"" It was not until 1853 
- the last 60 years of Ottoman control - that the first planning authority was formed to guide 
utban growth and change in the medina. In order to understand the forces that shaped public 
spaces in the medina at this stage, it was necessary to analyse both petiods in detail. Due to 


the differences in data sources fot both times, different methods were used. 


The evolution of the organic urban form (the first 300 years): information around Tripoli at 
this time only exists in the experience of people who lived in the medina”, in the form of 
textual context, maps and some existinp Ottoman buildings. The research built a 
comprehensive description of the public spaces in the medina, by linking historical Ottoman 
public buildings - buildings mentioned in textual contexts- to their spatial location in the 


medina and analysing their effect on the public spaces evolution. 


Secondly, Tripoli during the last 60 years of Ottoman control: named in academic sources 
the Ottomanization of Tripoli. Sources for this period vary from formal maps, documents, 
to historical photos. As mentioned in the research methodology, a wide photo archive 
collected from different sources in Tripoli (Department of Archaeology, Libyan Centre for 
Historical Studies, Islamic History Archive, Libyan National Council Peru, Libyan Jihad 
Centre for Historical Studies, Management of the Historical Cities Authority, The National 
Archives of Libya, and Red Castle Archives) allowed the researcher to generate a 3D model 
of sections of the medina and therefore perform a presentational and morphological analysis 
of the Ottoman fabric, focusing on the continuity of public spaces (physical, social and 


visual). 


Ottoman cities are widely known for their urban organisational and architectural significance. 
Different cases ate found in the literature, however, most of these cases occur in the later 


years of the Ottoman Empire. A general configuration of the Ottoman city was summarised 


96 


by Fatma Acun” (2002); she characterises the Ottoman fabric based on its geographical 


?* Ahmed Hamid, 'Some missing Islamic landmarks from Tripoli city', Azhar AL Arab, 6 (1993). p.84. 
?5 Klaske Havik, Urban Literacy. A Scripture Approach to the Experience, Use, and Imagination of Place (PhD Thesis, 
TU Delft University, 2012). 
“Rather than on maps, surveys, theoretical investigations and planning documents, lived experience exists in people's 
thoughts and memoties, and it is predominantly this space that we encounter in the evocative descriptions of places and 
spaces". p.71. 
?6 Fatma Acun, 'A Portrait of the Ottoman Cities', The Muslim world, 92 (2007). 255-285. p.206. 

52 


region. Through her study she defines the North African region as following: The elements 
of the Islamic city included the congregational mosque, the market and the public bath 


situated at the centre of the city. 


Other elements were the narrow, winding, maze-like streets, blind alleys and the inner 


courtyards, buildings said to have been the product of the unplanned nature of the cities. 


The most distinguishing feature of the Ottoman cities was the planned construction of kiilliyes 
[Souk/market] by the sultans and statesman through the waqf system. They consisted of a 
harmonious unity of buildings such as mosque, hospital, library, imaret, public bath, madrese 
and other similar buildings. Commercial buildings such as bedesten, shops, caravansaties and 
mills were constructed in order to support the külliyes. These buildings dynamically reshaped 


both the architecture and the social and economic life of the cities ?". 


Public spaces could be understood by investigating the dynamic experience of its urban 


surroundings 


In writing about spaces, the aspect of action implied by the space: a passage, a pathway, a 
threshold, a door, an opening to another space, can play a part in the narrative. Space can 
encourage characters to move, pass though, undertake action. In literary reflections about 
changes in society, architectural and urban scenes not only serve as the decor against which 
narratives of activity can unfold, these scenes also play an important part in depicting social 


practices 98, 


Public spaces ate closely related to public buildings, whether these buildings (urban elements) 
ate for religious purposes, trade or another form of social activity". One way to analyse and 
understand the forces behind the development of public spaces in Tripoli during the first 
period - both physically and socially - is by examining historical Ottoman public buildings 
individually, buildings that are either standing in the city today ot are mentioned in historical 
texts. By investigating public spaces as part of the medina's evolutionary process, not as 
individual spaces in the urban fabric, new knowledge regarding the transformation of public 
spaces in the city and the way we see them today can be revealed. The base for the next 
analysis are data drawn from historical investigation of traveller’s diaries, geographical 
documentations, and historian writings of Tripoli during this set of time, using a descriptions 


approach; 


97 Acun, 2007. p.206. 
°8 Havik, 2012. p.96. 
?? Nora Lafi, ' The Ottoman Municipal Reforms between Old Regime and Modernity: Towards a New Interpretative 
Paradigm ', in The First Emin"on'"u International Symposium (Istanbul, 2007). 
Nora Lafi, a researcher in Ottoman urban studies specialist in North Africa and the Middle East. 
53 


A descriptive approach can ... teach architects to pay close attention to materiality, sensory 
perception, atmosphere and memory — in other words, to the lived qualities that architecture 


and the city can entail 100 


The organic form of the Ottoman medina Tripoli (1551 till 1853) 


The research examines the urban context of the medina during the Ottomans in light of the 
following three facts: firstly, the city was mostly destroyed prior to the Ottomans; secondly, 
the existence of Roman and early Islamic urban elements; and thirdly, the medina’s 300 years 
of organic growth, where urban changes were made by notable individuals, “members of the 


7" The foundation for the next analysis is 


most prestigious guilds, traders and landowners 
data drawn from a historical investigation of travellers’ accounts and diaries, geographical 
documentation, and historian writings of Tripoli during this set of time, extracting 
descriptions of Ottoman public buildings in a chronological order, studying their foundation, 


location, function, design, and spatial relation with other city elements in the medina. 


The growth of public spaces was influenced by five main urban forces, including: the effect 
of the urban elements prior to the Ottomans, the power and control of the ruling individuals, 
the diversion of culture and religion in the medina, unstable population growth due to natural 
and manmade disasters, and finally the power of tombs presence. The next sections will 
summarise these forces of growth and the subsequent changes in Tripoli using a combination 
of both a descriptive analysis and a map analysis, to enable a visualisation of the changes that 


occurred in Tripoli’s public spaces. 


3.3.1. The first Ottoman rule Tripoli from 1551 till 1771 


One of the main driving forces behind change in the medina was the interest of Ottoman 
individuals who ruled Tripoli. The researcher found that all the public buildings - whether 
they are still standing in the medina today or they only exist in historical texts - were built by 
the ruling individuals. Tripoli’s Ottoman rulers used their power and wealth” to contribute 
to Tripoli’s urban fabric. Stepheng Dale (2010) examines the ruling power and their 
establishments in pre-industrial Muslim empires (Ottoman empire). Dale found a strong 
correlation between public places that were developed by the ruling individuals in different 


cities, and concluded that: 


100 Havik, 2012. p.206. 
101 Lafi, 2010. p.5. 
Nora Lafi, ' Mediterranean Connections: The Circulation of Municipal Knowledge and Practices at the Time of the 
Ottoman Reforms, c. 1830-1910 ', in Another Global City: Historical Explorations into the Transnational Municipal 
Moment, 1850-2000, by Pierre-Yves Saunier and Shane Ewen c(London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). 
102 T afi, 2010. p.6. 

54 


The architectural remnants of Muslim rule: the fort or palace, the mosque, and the bazaar. A 
fourth structure, the royal tomb, is often found in Muslim cities, within mosque grounds or 
located nearby. These buildings symbolized military power, religious affiliation, commercial 


prosperity, and dynastic prestige. 103 


Another study analysing the image of the Ottoman city carried out by Heghnar Zeitlian 
Watenpaugh (2004) confirms the influence of the Ottoman rulers in transforming the 


104 These interventions 


cityscape of Aleppo using major interventions in the urban form 
formed what is known in the Ottoman urban city as Kulliyes, a social centre consisting of a 
multitude of buildings that played an important role in enhancing social life in the city. The 


Kulliyes typically contains: a mosque, madrassa, market, bath, and in some cases a tomb. 


The Ottoman rulers’ contributions in Tripoli were mainly public buildings and urban 
complexes. These complexes, due to their size, location, architecture and function, have 
dominated the fabric of the city and influenced its future development. Bearing in mind that 
these buildings served as indoor public spaces, predominantly for men’s use, this research 
focuses on what outcome these individual buildings had on public spaces overall. The next 
section is therefore structured around the various rulers and their establishments, describing 
and identifying the social life of the medina under their rule and examining their direct effect 


on the urban fabric. 


3.3.1.4. Murad Agha 1551-1553 


Murad Agha'”’ was selected as the first Ottoman ruler of Tripoli. Being an Ottoman military 
admiral, despite his short ruling years and due to fears of attack by Saint John Knights, the 
city's growth during his ruling years was military-oriented. The medina's defences were 
enhanced, the city walls reinforced, new towers were built and the castle was strengthened. 
Even though the city showed singes of urban growth as houses were built/renovated, and 
agricultural and commercial activities started to grow, the sense of fear could still be seen in 
public spaces. During Murad rule public spaces were militarised, the medina's main gates 


were closed at sunset, and the Ottoman army scattered throughout the medina streets". 


105 Stephen Dale, 'Empires and Emporia: Palace, Mosque, Market, and Tomb in Istanbul, Isfahan, Agra, and Delhi'. 
Journal of the Economic and Social History, 53 (2010). p.213. 
104 Heghnar Watenpaugh, The Image of an Ottoman City: Imperial Architecture and Urban Experience in Aleppo in the 
16th And 17th Centuries (BRILL, 2004). p.46. 
105 Z. Hale Tokay, The Effects of tbe Ottoman "Kullyes" on the Formation and Development of the City in the Historical Context. 
(Mimar Sinan University, 1997) «http:/ /www.transanatolie.com/ English /Turkey/ Architecture/ottoman, kulliyes.htm- [ 
accessed 13 November 2014]. 
106 An Ottoman military leader who was living in Tajoura, joined force with the Libyan troops to overthrow Knights of 
St. John. 
107 Altelesi, 1997. p.80. 

55 


Murad Agha’s main contribution was building the first Ottoman mosque in Tripoli named 
(Murad Agha Mosque), to which he attached a personal tomb. This mosque was built outside 
the city walls, in the village where most of the medina locals migrated to prior to the Ottoman 
war over Tripoli, named Tajoura’”’, located 35 kilometres to the east side of the medina 


(fig.28). The mosque resembled a fortress rather than a mosque". 


Figure 28 Location of Murad Agha mosque outside the medina walls.Source: generated by the author using 
google earth 


This complex is relevant to the research, even though it was built outside the city walls, as it 
represented the first Ottoman demonstration of the use of power and control to develop the 
urban context. Murad ordered three hundred Spanish builders, imprisoned by the Ottomans, 
to build a fine mosque in a short period of time in order to gain their freedom'". Such a 
demonstration of power became commonplace across the years; other rulers used skilled 


prisoners to build later Ottoman public buildings in the medina. 


The mosque was built in 1552, using remains from another Roman city (Liptus Magna). A 


square plan mosque with a vault structure roof as shown in (fig.29), it is unique to Tripoli, 


though other mosques in Tunisia with a similar structure can be found '''. 


* = * 


Figure 29 Murad Agha's mosque & grave.Source: http:/ / mirathlibya.blogspot.co.uk/2014/03/blog-post.html 


Another important urban element in this complex that influenced the development of the 
medina is the tomb. Tombs in the Ottoman urban form took two forms: freestanding tombs 


that could be found anywhere in the city, or tombs connected to an urban complex such as 


108 'T'ajoura, is a small village east of the medina. 

109 Saeid Ali Buhlfaia, Historical Background of Libyan Mosque Architecture: Assessment and Criticism of Mosques in 
Ajdabiya City (MSc Dissertation, Middle East Technical University, 2006). 

110 Jayyusi, 2008. p.389. 

111 The later Libyan mosques had their distinct form of multi dome structure. 


56 


a mosque'". Tombs are urban elements that develop into social spaces where people 


regularly visit to pay respects to the dead. This conception led to the formation of biggest 


public square in the medina. 


Early Islamic doctrine in North Africa banned Muslims from building graves in or around 
mosque courts. Murad Agha's mosque was the first to be found in Tripoli with the 
arrangement of a mosque and tomb in its court; this kind of layout is not mentioned in any 
of the eatlier historical accounts of Tripoli. Other Ottoman rulers continued building 


mosque/tomb complexes in later years. 


Recently, due to Islamic doctrine differences, most of the graves attached to the mosques 
were recently destroyed, and the social activities in and around these spaces have ceased. A 
step that was condemned by the UNESCO Director-General, Irina Bokova: “I condemn the 


destruction of the Murad Agha Mausoleum, a historic landmark that belongs to all 


22113 


Libyans, 


Figure 30 The destruction of Murad Agha's tomb in Tripoli in 2013. 


Source: http://archive.almanar.com.lb/article.php?id=660493 


11? Watenpaugh, 2004. p.48. 

15 UNESCO, Press Service. «https:/ /en.unesco.otg/news/unesco-directot-general-condemns-destruction- 

libya%E2%80%99s-murad-agha-mausoleum-and-offers-heritagePlanguage=en> [accessed 27 August 2016] 
57 


3.3.1.2 Dargut Pasha 1553 - 1565 


Dargut Pasha, a military commander in the Ottoman navy, was the second Ottoman ruler 
to govern Tripoli. Under his rule the medina’s urban form continued to be driven by a 
military perspective. Dargut redrew the medina boundaries, reshaping the city walls and 
building his establishment Dargut Complex between 1553 -1565. Each of these interventions 


affected the development of the medina’s spatial structure in later years. 


Dargut’s changes to the medina walls affected the structure of public spaces. Reshaping the 
walls did not only change the shape and dimension of the medina as shown in (fig.31), but 
also changed the arrangement of the medina’s main access and approaches. When rebuilding 
the walls, one of the former main Roman gates that led directly to the arch space was 
closed’, despite continuing high levels of port activity. This transformation undermined the 


significance of the Roman arch as central public space and the Roman spatial structure. 


, A 


Change in the wells Change en the roads & gates 


Figure 31 The changes on the Roman walls and its effect on the main city access. 


After three years of Dargut’s rule, he ordered the construction of the first Ottoman mosque 
in medina Tripoli in 1554; this was the first non-military public building established in the 
medina. Dargut built a complex consisting of a mosque and a Turba [InArabic], meaning 
(tomb), for him and his family. This was the first step in forming Tripoli’s Kulliye; in later 
years other buildings were added next to the complex to include Hammam Dargute, a public 


bath (Hammam) and other elements in later years. 


Dargut’s contribution to the urban fabric was significant in terms of evolving the city’s public 
spaces. This mosque was the first Ottoman mosque to be built inside the medina; bearing in 


mind that Tripoli lost its Grand Mosque prior to the Ottomans, there was a possibility of 


114 Jayyusi, 2008. p.389. 
115 The gate was rebuilt in later years. 


58 


replacing it with another to act as a central mosque. Therefore, both the design and the 


location of Dargut’s complex are important to this research. 


Khalifa Altlesi, a well-known Libyan historian, translated gathered travellers’ descriptions of 
Dargut’s mosque in his book The Story of The City. They refer to it as the Medina’s Main 
Mosque, even though the mosque was small and humble. Its fame came from the people 


who used it: 


Even though Tripoli was an Islamic city for a long time, it does not have any decent mosque, 
[due to former medina destruction] which driven Durgut to build his mosque. The mosque still 


exists today close to the sea. 


Nothing significant about this mosque either except for the fame of the name given to it. It is 


used by most of the Turkish commanders which made it the main mosque in the city "^ 


It appears that focus of Dargut's establishment was the tomb rather than the mosque itself. 
This assumption explains why, even in the absence of other grand mosques, Dargut’s 
complex did not become the city's Friday Mosque. This belief is based on three facts: firstly, 
contrary to the former Ottoman ruler, he chose to adjust a small Spanish church built for 
Maltese sailors to be the first Ottoman mosque in the medina, instead of constructing a new 
17 


building’. The structure of the church was not suitable to be a mosque: the inner space 


!5 He also 


needed to be widened so it would adhere to the design principles of a mosque 
had to restructure the roof of the church using a multi-dome system to join it to the 


extensions on both sides (fig.32). 


Secondly, the size of the mosque compared to the tomb. From the complex floor plan, it is 
clear to see the difference in size between the mosque and the tomb. Compared with the 
former leader Murad Agha, the tomb is almost the size of the mosque itself. The location 
and orientation of the tomb, which faced the sea, could also be explained from a military 
perspective as traditionally the Ottoman admirals continued to be saluted after their death 
by the firing of canons to the sea in front of their graves. In interviews with old residents of 
the medina Tripoli, they explain that this tradition continued until the early 1950s, when a 


Turkish military ship fired canons toward the sea, saluting Dargut's grave. 


116 Altlesi, 1974. p.91. 
117 Jayyusi, 2008. p.392. 
David Mallia, ' The survival of the Knights' Church in Tripoli ', Malta Historical Society, Proceeding history week (2011), 28- 
46 
118 As the wall facing gibla (Mecca)should be longer than the other. 
59 


Diegram 


Floor plan 


Figure 32 Plan of Dargut's complex.Source: Redrawn and analysed based on a survey by Aurig emma in 1947. 


The final evidence relating to the importance of Dargut's tomb relates to its location. Being 
the first Ottoman public building built inside the medina walls - and bearing in mind the state 
of Tripoli prior the Ottomans - the location of the complex was a turning point in terms of 
the medina's spatial structure. By mapping the location of Dargut's complex and examining 
it in light of the former analysis of the medina (Tripoli prior to the Ottomans), in particular 
comparing Dargut's mosque to the demolished Grand Mosque (fig.34), the location chosen 
was non-central, it was fat from the medina entrance, and set at a distance from the former 
Roman main access (fig.33). The outcome of this complex played an important role in 
turning the Ottomans away from the former Roman grid system, the Roman arch and the 


central spaces. 


LAN 
€ NW 
Boris eoe 


Former Grand 
mosque 


Figure 33 Dargut buildings compared to 
the location of the Grand Mosque 
Figure 34 Location of historical Dargut Mosque complex in the 

medina today. Generated by the researcher based on digital 

map to Tripoli 


60 


\ P ~ 
l ODAN AN 1 
4 a a ` 
P ] N : ` 
Dargut's complex Dargut s comple: 
| pero wp | SB Dorout's comp x 
X NN h ` 
\ ` 
. 
\ N * 
\ IN X. 
EN \ YV 
4 / "T. 
| € ^ 
: S; i Q 
\ > 
A 
A \ 


Figure 35 The location of Dargut’s in the medina and its relation to the medina gates and main paths. 


119, 


After Dargut's death, different people governed Tripoli. Tripoli did not rest ^; the medina 
continued to grow, increasing the city’s defences, maintaining the walls, and building more 


towers and weapons storage (fig.36-37). 


Figure 36 Extension and defences built 
around the medina redrawn by the 
researcher. Source L. Micara 2013 


El Ong tower 


© 


Bu Lela tower b L El Mandirk tower 


Dargut tower 


El Tarab tow "s 
Sidi Haddar y^ * $ El Hahia tower 
tower 


NC Magz'ra tower 


j Figure 37 Tripoli defences and towers 
c redrawn by the researcher. Source:L. Micara 
M 2013 


Nt ud Dar El Barod 


El Karma tower 


Zeanata tower 


Sidi Omran tower 


11? Wars on both sides; on the seaside due to pirating activities in the Mediterranean held by the Ottomans, and from land 
attacks in the desert against Arab tribe in order to spread authority and continuing tax collecting. 


61 


3.3.1.3 Osman Pasha (1649- 1672) 


The next key Ottoman individual who contributed to the medina’s urban form was Osman 
pasha. Osman pasha was one of the Ottoman’s non-military influential rulers who 
contributed heavily to Tripoli’s urban form, due to both his long-standing rule and the city’s 
stability. During his rule, the medina began to develop its Ottoman urban centre. Even 
though Dargut’s complex did not become the city’s Friday Mosque, it had a strong influence 
on the evolution of the later urban growth. Findings indicate that the later general Ottoman 
public buildings built by Osman pasha were mainly concentrated in the area between the 
Roman arch and Dargut’s establishment (fig.21). This concentration of public buildings 
formed a place that could be called Tripoli’s urban centre, or as known to the Ottomans as 
a Kulliy. The following public buildings ranged in size and function: religious, diplomatic, 


security and governing. These buildings were constructed over an extended period of time. 


Firstly, in 1615, a Catholic Church was built for the non-Muslim community residents in 
medina at that time; the chosen location for the church was opposite to the Dargut mosque 


(fig38). Together this formed an urban centre and a base for further development in the area, 


as will be discussed in later sections!" 


Figure 38 Location of the Church in relation to Datgut mosque Generated by the researcher based on 
digital map to Tripoli. Sources: Mudawana Mawajat Albahr 


120 The church is still in the medina today, since it was built it continued to function until 1970, when its activity stopped 
after evacuation Italians. 

*The city contained another religious building (The Jewish Temple), located to the west side of the medina next to the 
city walls, serving a Jewish community of around 1200. However, at this time of the research) not much has been written 
about this building. 


62 


Secondly, the French consulate was built in Tripoli, as diplomatic relation between Tripoli 
and Foreign countries strengthened, France in 1630 sent its first ambassador to Tripoli, thus 
a French counsel was built. The building was almost square shaped, approximately 400 
square metres and two storeys; the centre of the building is an open courtyard with doors to 
many rooms with different functions and purposes, the reception of guests or political 
meetings. The French consulate in the medina was located not far from the Roman arch; the 
street leading to it 1s still called French Street. The location chosen for the French consulate 
derived later counsels namely the British, Spanish, Italian and American councils to be built 
in the same area. The following map shows the location in respect to both the church and 


Dargut’s mosque. 


H 
t xe French Counsel 
| LJ 
| x 
E 
hd 
LJ 
* 
Ld 
L4 
» » 
4 i Dargut Mosque 
Catholic Church 
Figure 40 Sketch of the French Figure 39 Location of the Church in relation to Datgut 
street. mosque Generated by the researcher based on digital map 
to Tripoli 
* Roman arch 
y French Counsel 
Othman pasha e^ 
Isiamic school 
eo 
* À Dent mosque 
Catholic church 
Figure 41 Internal view of the Figure 42 Location of the French Counsel in medina 
former French canceler today. Generated by the researcher based on digital map to 
drawn by the researcher from Tripoli 


photo 


The importance of the counsel to this research because it served as a tread centre for 


Europeans goods as fully explained by Ms Tully in her letters, she describes the trade 


63 


activities of these counsels in Tripoli in everyday life and their role during the dramatic events 


Tripoli has passed through i.e the drought and the plague. 


Thirdly, Osman pasha established the medina’s first Ottoman Islamic School, located next 
to Dargut’s mosque. The school had a courtyard and surrounded by doorways and windows, 
a small mosque, which came in one of the corners of the courtyard as shown in, the main 


entrance to the school directly overlooking Drgout pasha street. (fig.35). 


Othman Pasha 
istamic school 


o 
sel Dargut mosque 


Figure 43 Osman Pasha Islamic School & Dargut mosque Generated 
by the researcher based on digital map to Tripoli 


* Roman arch $ há 4 
» French Counsel 
Chen pete Ce Figure 44 The concentration of 
same sche f : P 2G : 
«3. medina's public buildings forming 
. 
sa” an urban centre in the medina. 


4 Dargul mosque 
f ^- 


Figure 45 Location of Othman pasha school in medina today in relation with 

the other buildings. Generated by the researcher based on digital map to 

Tripoli 
-Fourth, the Ottoman prison also known as the Turkish prison, which was built by the 
governor Osman Pasha in 1664. It has 86 cells were most its prisoners of Turkish who were 
rebelling against the rule of the Turkish governor, howevet, this building after the end of 
Ottoman rule turned into a church and has been called St. Giurgiu's Roman Catholic Church 
which due to its location next to the church created public spaces known today as the 


(Church Midan)"'. 


121 Telesi, 1997. 
64 


Cathobe EY < 


Figure 47 The main elevation of the Ottoman Figure 46 Location of the prison in medina 
ptison Drawn by the researcher from photo Generated by the researcher based on digital map 
to Tripoli 


Fifthly, Cast Fundok’”, another public building built by Osman Pasha in 1669, today stands 
at the end of Musher market, close to the Clock Tower. Fundok is an Arabic name for a 
place where traders store and sell their goods on the ground floor and resident in the upper 
floors, the importance of this building for this research was in both its function and location. 
Architecturally, the hotel has two floors, surrounding a rectangular courtyard. It has 100 


rooms and a well in the courtyard that acts as a water supply. 


Although the Fundok still functions in the medina today, there is little information regarding 
its size or any architectural details from the time of the research. However, what is interesting 
and can be examined is the location of the market: it deviated from the main historical Roman 
path leading to Bab Alhurria to be closer to the sea, thus connecting the urban development 
next to Dargut’s complex to the newly opened gate called Bab-Manshia (fig.48). This will be 


explained in detail in coming sections. 


Bap Aturia V 


Figure 48 Location of the Market and Fundok in medina. Generated by the researcher based on 
digital map to Tripoli 


122 Has been known for this the name for being the origin of trade and export of orange blossoms. 


65 


The medina developed an urban centre, not an Islamic urban core. The absence of the central 
Friday Mosque and the market area, two of the key components of an Islamic urban core, 
prevented its evolution. The size of Dargut’s mosque, its location away from the main trade 
access that connected the port space (the busiest area of the city) to the main gate, and the 
absence of a main central public space for trading activities: all of this limited the growth of 


this atea to become an Islamic core. 


The construction of the first formal trade centre was a turning point in the evolution of the 
medina’s urban fabric and public spaces. Osman Pasha built the first formal trade building 
in the medina, named Al-Zahar Fundok ?[In Arabic], a public building that still stands in the 
medina today’. Fundok is an Arabic name for a place where traders store and sell goods on 
the ground floor, with a residence in the upper floors. This building is a primary urban 
element due to its unique function in the city; its location is also pertinent. Separating this 
market from the former urban centre, the port, and the medina main gates limited the 
potential of the centre to develop into the medina’s Islamic urban core (fig.49). The city had 


two gates one to the sea and the other to the land, the place is connected to the city by land. 


125 


The division of the market 
and the Fundok from the 
Roman path and the medina 
main Roman gate. 


$ ^ 
^ ^ 
y * 
^ j ^ j 
A ` 
* 
Li mF * 
+ . 
* * 
LI d 
‘ 
t ` \ 


Figure 49 The location of the trade centre and its effects on the formal Roman access 


During this time Tripoli was part of the advance caravans’ trade routes connecting to the 
Sahara, namely the Tripoli-Fezzan-Bornu route: “Traffic along these routes reached its peak 
in the period 1490-1590""*, This heavy trade route leading to the medina could have 


provided the motivation to build Tripoli's first main trade centre close to the medina's gate. 


125 Was known for this the name for being the source for trading and exporting orange blossoms to the North African 
region. 
- Architecturally, the market has two floors surrounding the rectangular courtyard, all the rooms open on it has100 room, 
a well is located in the courtyatd for water supply for the place. 
124 located at the end of the Musher market and close to the Clock Tower square 
125 Telesi, 1974. p.89. 
126 A, Adu Boahen, "The Caravan Trade in the Nineteenth Century'. The Journal of African History, 3 (1961). 
66 


Locating the first trade building in the medina south-east of the city not only separated the 
market from the urban centre, it started a new centre (a commercial and trade centre) in the 
medina. These commercial activities developed and expanded as Osman Pasha built the 
medina’s first Ottoman market. One building, still known today as the Turk’s market, is still 
functioning in the medina today, though not much is mentioned by travellers about its size 


ot architecture at the time relevant to the research. 


The location chosen for the new commercial centre affected the former Roman spatial 
system and the Roman arch’s status as a public space in the city. Both the market and fundok 
deviated from the main historical Roman path that connected the Roman gate to the Roman 
arch as shown in (fig.50). Any trade centre required direct supply and export access, so a 
new gate was constructed in the city walls named Bab Al- Manshiya'’’. The development of 
this gate rearranged the orientation of public spaces and opened the medina to what is today 
the oldest Ottoman central space in Tripoli (the Martyrs Square). Even though the former 
Roman gate was not closed, establishing this new access to the medina weakened it and, 


therefore, weakened the arch space that is connected to it. 


Concentration of the trad 
activities along the new 
Ottoman path 


Bah Amensma 


Bab Alhuma 


Figure 50 Location of the Turks market in the medina & its relation to the Roman path. 


3.3.2. Tripoli from 1711 till 1835 - The Qarahmanli dynasty 


In 1711 the Ottoman grip over Tripoli weakened, rebellions in and out of the country took 
place due to the rising corruption in the ruling party and their constant rise in taxation. A 
revolution led by Qarahmanli "* supported by the locals ended the first Ottoman rule over 
Tripoli and Tripoli was announced as an independent state. This marked the starting point 


of a new era known as the Qarahmanli dynasty". The researcher continued tracking the 


127 The gate opens on the Menshiya area (Green forest). 

128 An Ottoman leader in the Ottoman army. 

129 Muhammed Amoura, Tripoli: The Arabic City and Its Islamic Architecture (Tripoli: Dar El-Ferjani, 1993) [In Arabic] 
67 


development of public spaces and the form of medina Tripoli through thorough 


interpretation of what was written about the city in the years between 1711 and 1853. 


The Qarahmanli dynasty consisted of a number of rulers generally known as Pashas, who 
ruled Tripoli for over 140 years. The dynasty was founded by Ahmed Pasha Al- Qarahmanli, 
and ended with Ali II Pasha Al- Qarahmanli. The oldest and most thorough reference that 
covers this period of Tripoli's history - the late Qarahmanli dynasty - is the book named 
Letters written during a ten years! residence at the court of Tripoli authored by the sister-in-law of the 
British consular in Tripoli during 1783 Mr Richard Tully”. The text gives personal insights 
of an inside observer; these rich details helped to draw a picture of the urban city as well as 


the events that affected its growth 72 years into the Qarahmanli dynasty". 


The drive for growth and change of the medina’s urban form was no longer defensive. The 
city settled and the ongoing fights and pirate activities ended, giving the city a chance to 


rebuild and develop its social urban life. Ms Tully's letters describe the state of the city: 


'The city of Tripoli is, or rather has been, surrounded by a prodigiously strong wall, and 
towers, which are now in bad order; but persons of judgment in these matters say, that with 


repairs only, it might soon be made one of the strongest fortifications!*. 


However, personal aims of the ruling individuals continued to drive growth and change in 
the medina's urban form. Their main establishments affected the evolution of the medina's 
utban fabric and consequently the evolution of public spaces. The following sections will 


analyse the urban intervention of key ruling figures during the Qarahmanli dynasty. 


3.3.2.1 Ahmed Pasha Qarahmanli 


Ahmed pasha's first intervention. emphasised the significance of the trade centre by 
transforming the castle from a military defence place to the governor’s palace. During 
previous years the castle had been neglected and mainly used for defence purposes due to 
the unsettled state of affairs in Tripoli. Only when Ahmed pasha Qarahmanli decided to 
make it a place of residence, did the castle become relevant to Tripoli’s urban life. The 
location of the castle next to the Turk market, the trade market and the Manshiya Gate, 
transformed the paths from one space for the public, to two separate paths, one for the locals 


and another for the ruling family, each path led to a separate public space 


130 Tully, 1918. p.8 
131 Ali Hammad, 'Mutual economic ties between the authorities and society Alkermanli Trabelsi in the late Covenant 
Alkermanli'. Journal of Science and Human Studies. (Al-Marg, 2014). p.284. [In Arabic] 
132 Tully, 1918. p.7. 
68 


Castel square 


3 ^ 
b 


* 


+ 
* 
Bread market square 


‘Two separate paths one for the local and another 
path for the ruling family. The two paths end with 
two separate spaces 


Figure 51 Evolution of the medina entrance during the Ottomans. 


EUN] 


— ae — 


A 
A 
4 


A 
^ 


Figure 52 The two separate spaces developed in Tripoli during the Ottoman time. 


Only by understanding the complexity of the castle, its location and approach, can its relation 
to the trade centre be revealed. During the early Islamic period, the castle was separated from 
the medina by a water canal: the medina’s only access to the castle was across a wooden 


bridge that was lowered during the day and raised at night. 


Figure 53 The water canal separating 


the medina from the landside. 


133 AL Tijani, 1997. 
69 


The main entrances to the castle faced the sea, with staircases that led to the docks. Once 
the water in the canal dried out it formed a road, still named today Canal Road. The 
Ottomans opened a side gate on Canal Road; this became the castle’s main access toward 


the trade centre. The location of this access explains the chosen location of the later 


Qarahmanli Grand Mosque. 


Figure 54 Castel water entrance and its relation to the later Qarahmanli mosque. 


Ahmed pasha Qarahmanli’s second intervention was building the medina’s Grand Mosque, 
a complex of a mosque and a tomb, located in the south of the medina, not far from the 
castle and the trade area. Although the analysis of earlier sections proved that it was not the 
first Grand Mosque in Tripoli, as the first was a huge building in the north part of the city, 
closer to the port area. Even though it was not the only mosque in the medina, it was by far 
the largest inside the city walls. A full description of Qarahmanli mosque is found in Ms Tully 


letters: 


The exterior of the great mosque, where the deceased relations of the royal family are buried, 
is extremely handsome. It stands in the main street, near the gate of the city, which leads to the 
country, and almost opposite to the palace. Before the door of this mosque, there is a second 
entry of neat lattice woodwork, curiously carved, with two folding doors of the same work: a 
great number of beautifully coloured tiles, with which the bottom of the latticework is set, give 
it an appearance of delicate neatness very pleasing to the eye. Over the doors of all the 
mosques are long sentences from the Koran sculptured and painted; those over the door of 
this mosque being more richly gilt and painted, and the sculpture much handsomer than in any 


others in the town.!?* 


134 Mrs Tully, 1819. p.7. 
70 


Figure 55 The mosque of Ahmad Pasha. 1912. Sources: LCAHS: photo 8, Album 2A-12. 


Ms Tully’s letters describe in detail the mosque and the medina markets separately. Nothing 
is said about the connection between the mosque and the markets. Bearing in mind that Ms 
Tully saw the mosque 46 years after it was built. The market is described in Ms Tully’s 


words as follows: 


There are two covered bazars, or market places; one of which is very large, and built in four 
aisles, meeting in a cross. These aisles are, fitted up with shops, built on each side of them, 
containing every sort of merchandize, and having a way in the middle for purchasers to walk 
in. Several parts of this place are nearly dark, and the powerful smell makes it very unpleasant 


to pass through it. The other bazar is much smaller, and has no shops in it.'5 


Ms Tully refers to two markets in Tripoli. By the large market she is referring to the Turkish 
market, the other market mentioned could be a reference to the fundok, which held trading 


activities on the ground floor. 


The third and final urban intervention by Ahmed pasha Qarahmanli was the establishment 
of the medina’s main shipyard, an urban element that affected the growth of the medina’s 
utban fabric. During the Qarahmanli dynasty, Tripoli was well-known for its ship 
manufacturing, a trade activity that requires a large open space and special location. Ahmed 
pasha ordered the building of a shipyard next to the castle, not far from the Turks market. 


The chosen location of the shipyard not only supported the trade activities in this area by 


135 Tolly, 1819. p.12 
71 


developing new manufacturing markets, such as carpentry and a blacksmith market for 


136 


example ", but also created a new entry to the medina from the seaside, a new dock 


constructed next to the castle. 


This concentration of water trade activities next to the city markets and the Grand Mosque 
formed the medina’s Ottoman port. In later Ottoman years, Tripoli ended ship 
manufacturing activities, and the space now accommodates most of the medina’s social 


activities, as will be seen in a later section. 


Bet A Merwe 


Figure 56 Diagram of median’s urban centre and its elements, the castle, the 
souk, the grand mosque, and the new gate. 


3.3.2.2 Tripoli natural disasters and the urban growth: 


Several natural disasters during the Qarahmanli times reduced the number of people in the 
medina. First, two major famines, one in 1767 that lasted four years, which led more than 
forty thousand people to migrate to Tunisia and Egypt, and the other in 1776, that almost 
destroyed the entire population of the country." Secondly, the city faced a deadly plague in 
1783, which spread throughout the city: 


The symptoms ... the person being seized with a sort of stupor, which immediately increases 


to madness, and violent swellings and excruciating pains in a few hours terminate in death. 138 


The death rate was between 200 and 290 people a day; the coffins were carried out of the 
city walls where they were prayed for together at a mosque outside of the city. All property 
now left unclaimed was taken over by the pasha. Any houses or land related to the church 
were returned to the church. A full description of the disaster is witnessed and described by 


Ms Tully: 


136 Still known in Tripoli for these names even though these shops no longer related to the original activities 
137 Ms Tully, p.187 
138 Ibid. p175 

72 


The plague now depopulating this place is said to be more severe than has been known at 
Constantinople for centuries past, and is proved by calculation to destroy twice the number of 
people in proportion to those who died of the same disorder lately at Tunis, when five 
hundred a day were carried out of that city. Today upwards of two hundred have passed the 


town gate. The city of Tripoli contains 14,000 inhabitants, and the city of Tunis 30,000.19 


In three months, a quarter of the population died, tombs grew bigger and were divided based 
on teligion between Muslim, Cristian and Jewish. The Muslim population honoured the dead 
by building a small chapel and calling it Morabet; this became a place to pay respects for 
years to come (fig.57). 


The number of deaths affected the population of Tripoli: in six months two-fifths of the 
Muslims, half the Jews, and nine-tenths of the Christians died'^ 


The city of Tripoli, after the plague ...houses were found the last victims that had perished in 
them ... while in others, children were wandering about deserted ...whole streets he passed 


without a living creature in them; for beside the desolation of the plague before it broke out in 


this city, many of the inhabitants, with the greatest inconvenience, left their houses and fled to 


'Tunis!4! 


Figure 57 Some shapes local Muslim gave to their dead. Sketched by the researcher. Source: 
<http://maltahistory.eu5.net/hw/hw201102.html#_ftn4> 


139 Ibid. p.179 
140 Ibid, p.197 
141 [bid. p.268 
73 


But the plague was not the last Tripoli have seen of natural tragedies as the country was hit 
almost 10 years later by drought in 1792 the country reached a state that it will despair. '*". 
The fluctuation in the medina population could explain why the urban growth of the city did 


not need to expand outside the medina walls. 


Dargut mosque 
area 


Manifacture 
markets 


Shipyard 


o S d 


Market area 
Figure 58 Diagram summarises the main |, 


establishments during the Qarahmanli era. 


In conclusion, the key urban spaces in Tripoli at the end of this period were 
mainly indoor spaces. Spaces in the form of courts were located with public 
building i.e. in the trade centre, in the mosques, the narrow streets, the Roman 


arch, as well as the trade area and the port. 


3.3.3. The urban reform-Ottomanization of Tripoli- (1835 till 1911) 


In May 1835, the Ottomans ended the Qarahmanli dynasty by regaining control of the city; 
this period, lasting seventy-six years, is known as the Second Ottoman Rule over Tripoli. 


Tripoli was forced to adapt in response to European influence in the region. Tripoli, under 


142 Yaron Ayalon, Natural Disasters in the Ottoman Empire: Plague, Famine, and Other Misfortunes (Cambridge 
University Press, 2014). 
74 


the direct administration of Istanbul, was the last Ottoman city in the North African region, 
where all the neighbouring countries had become European colonies. This put pressure on 


the Ottomans to adapt to European urban modernisation. 


Similarly to other Ottoman cities, Tripoli adopted Istanbul’s 1839 administrative and land 
reforms. A series of reforms started in Istanbul that brought administration, culture, 


15 The reform was 


education, religion and society more in line with a European mode 
“designed to promote commerce and ease communications within the province". An 
administrative and land reform demanded both urban and social-political changes: this had 
an effect on the medina’s urban form. A new gate was opened in the city walls of Tripoli in 


1865 to encourage interaction between the city and the countryside, the postal system was 


reorganised, and a telegraph line was established between Malta and Tripoli. 


Istanbul appointed Ali Rida Pasha to implement the administration reform in Tripoli’. His 
desire for modernisation drove numerous and varied projects in Tripoli. It is owing to him 
that Tripoli’s urban form evolved and developed, and as a result expanded its public spaces. 
The research will continue to examine these changes and their physical, social and visual 


effect on the city's public spaces. 


3.3.3.1 The Ottoman reform as a force for change in the medina. 


The main changes in Tripoli's urban fabric during the reform era were: the expansion of the 
utban fabric outside the medina walls; the enhancement of the water supply through the 
addition of fountains in the public spaces; and, the redevelopment of the Ottoman urban 


centre. The following section will explain each in detail. 


3.3.3.2 The expansion of Tripoli's urban fabric outside the medina's wall. 


Throughout the extended unsettled history of Tripoli, which goes back to the Roman times, 
this was the first time that the medina's urban fabric exceeded the walls. Ali Rida Pasha 
constructed new trade areas alongside a variety of public buildings outside the medina walls, 
such as the Arts and Trades School (1895), Military Academy (1896), and the Ottoman 
hospital. Though the medina was capable of accommodating these buildings, the decision to 
establish them outside the medina walls was a turning point in the city's development, as will 


be explained in later sections. 


145 Nora Lafi, "The Ottoman Municipal Reforms between Old Regime and Modernity: Towards a New Interpretative 
Paradigm', in First Ezzin on^u International Symposium, (Istanbul, 2007). 
1^ Lisa Anderson, 'Nineteenth-Century Reform in Ottoman Libya', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 16 (1984). 
325- 348 
145 Wright, 2012. 

75 


Ali Amouta (1993)'*° argues that attempts to develop Tripoli were restrained by its thick 
walls. The spread of construction and modern urban infrastructures (ie. industry, 
manufacturing, telecommunication, and other urban facilities) had to take place outside the 
medina walls, as the thick walls surrounding the old city inhibited its growth otherwise. 


pe SF cS os Ze UL Pith ol PN VA AU 
k batai 


— 


'The map shows the late stage of the 
Ottomans fabric: the radial streets and 


the urban fabric outside the walls. 


Figure 59 Ottoman urban fabric after the reform (date not known). Source: Department of Historical Studies. 
Tripoli. 
Expanding the urban form outside the medina walls created a strong connection between 
the inside and outside spaces of the medina, socially as well as physically. Until the end of 
the Qarahmanli dynasty, the places outside the medina main gate were open spaces with 
limited trade activities. Howevet, the social link between the inner and outer spaces was weak; 
the outside spaces were often occupied by strangers, mainly travellers who settled outside 
the medina walls for months after fleeing natural disasters such as drought. During their stay, 
they tended to use the open space to trade their goods either to the people in the city or to 
European traders. The social separation was clear as all the medina residents were forced to 
return to the city before the gates closed at sunset, leaving the outside spaces for the 


travellers”. 


Figure 60 Travelers settling outside the medina' main gate to trade their goods. Source: Archive of the Centre of 


Islamic History. Tripoli and McClure. 1913 


146 Amoura, 1993. p.50. 
14 Amoura, p.59. 


76 


The city retrieved this space by developing it to accommodate different trade and social 
activities: rows of small shops, coffee shops and other forms of trade activities owned and 
used by the locals. These changes improved the sense of belonging and drove the flow of 
movement outside the city walls. This development not only expanded the spatial territory 
of the medina to include the outer public spaces, but it also expanded and enforced the 


medina’s urban centre as will be explained later in this chapter. 


Figure 61 Tripoli’s urban fabric before and after 


the Ottoman reforms. Source: Generated by the researcher. 


3.3.8.3 Enhancing the medina’s public spaces by providing fountains, a source for 
water supply in and outside the city walls. 

Fountains were an important element of Ottoman architecture, though they vary in terms of 
their structure and function. The simplest and most common Turkish fountain is the cesme 
[In Turkish], known as (the wall fountain), where storage tanks are located behind the wall 
with the water flowing from a tap into a basin'?. There are also the Meydan fountains; located 
in public spaces, this type of fountain is freestanding in the open space. Despite their 
different types and functions, they are overall considered an important element of public 


spaces '^. 


In general, though the fountain's basic form is similar, a four-side structure with taps in a 
single or two faces, the location and design of the fountain defines its usability. Some are for 
the travellers and commoners, others are for the royals and people that are close to the royal 


family (visitor or army), and some are for welcoming arrivals to the city. 


In Tripoli, there is evidence of four different types of water fountain. They are all located to 
serve public spaces outside the city walls. Considering these spaces existed prior to the 
reform era, the water supply was meant to enhance and maintain these spaces; the water 


supply did not create these spaces. Based on their location and design, the usability for each 


148 John Freely, A History of Ottoman Architecture (Southampton: WIT Press, 2011), p.28. 
149 Cerasi Maurice M, 'Open Space, Water and Trees in Ottoman Urban Culture in the XVIIIth - XIXth Centuries ', 
Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre, 2 (1985). 36-50. 

77 


type of fountain can be ascertained. Due to the shortage of water supply in the medina these 
water supplies were an important element in driving and maintaining the social life in public 


spaces outside the city walls in later years (fig.62). 


+ 


= Tógeh Veet Jis Gami- piia = i g - Wall fountain. 


-Located next to the castle. 

-High level of detail. 

-Ottoman architecture related 

-Water supply for the ruling family, 
visitors, and the Ottoman army. CN on 


^ 
; ERN. f i 
Used as a landmark welcoming arrivais LJ 


-Free standing fountain 
-Located in a public spaces used as 
Tuesday market next to docks. Is: 
-Water supply for visitors, and the No 
o X 
ttoman army. CN 
-High level of detail. j N & 
Ottoman architecture related. 
- Used as a landmark welcoming arrivals 


to the city. 
Name: Al Manshiya [In Arabic] 


-Free standing fountain 

-Located in a public space used as 

bread market next to the city gate. 

-Water supply for locals, and t 1 
travelers. 

-low level of detail & simple form’ 


@ Name: Souk Al Kobez [In Aarbic] ee 


-Wall fountain. 
-Located at the city gates. 
|-Water supply for local 


Name: Bab Aljedid [In Arabic] 


Figure 62 Fountains in Tripoli. 
Source.LCAHS: Album 3A-7. Tripoli 


78 


3.3.3.4 Redeveloping the Ottoman urban centre inside the medina walls. 

As demonstrated in earlier parts of this chapter, during the extended Ottoman rule (400 
years) the medina consisted of two urban centres. One during early Ottoman rule over 
Tripoli which included the (Dargut complex, the Church, and the Ottoman prison, along 
with the foreign consuls and the Roman arch) in the middle of the medina, and the second 
at the end of their rule close to the castle, including the Qarahmanli Grand Mosque, the 


Turks bazat, the castle, the shipyard and its nearby manufacturing activities. 


The reform influenced the later centre both physically and socially, by establishing important 
public buildings in the area. Constructing a new market next to the Grand Mosque, still 
known today as Suke Al-Mosher [In Arabic] (the Marshal market), stretched the trade area 
around the mosque to connect the old Turkish bazar with the activities outside the medina 


walls. 


Figure 63 The old market area in relation to the new market. 


Furthermore, in 1895 a new Ottoman urban element was induced to the medina of Tripoli: 
the Ottomans Clock Tower. The first original Ottoman element in the city, example of other 


clock towers are found in other Ottoman cities such as Istanbul, Tripoli (Lebanon). 


Clock towers were either instruments with which to advertise the central government's 
sovereignty in the provinces, thin guises for erecting church towers, tools with which to 
promote standard time, agents of modernization and secularization, or a contemporary version 


of the time-honoured institution of the timekeeper. 15° 


Clock towers were usually built in the city’s main public spaces, which is why they were often 
located close the medina’s main mosque’. The towers were never taller that the than 


minarets of the mosque. With its level of detail, its shape and height, the clock tower 


150 Mehmet Uluengin, ' Secularizing Anatolia tick by tick: clock towers in the ottoman empire and the Turkish republic ', 
Int. J. Middle East Stud, 42 (2010). 17-36. 
151 ]bid,. 2010. p.25. 

79 


contrasted with the surrounding urban fabric and stood out as an urban landmark. Its lively 


classical detail rises in three stages to a small dome outstanding its surrounding fabric 


Figure 64 The clock towers: In Istanbul April.2014 (left). In Tripoli July 2014 (right). Both taken by the researcher. 


WE 


) 


Figure 65 Clock tower size compared to the surrounding built form. 


The location chosen for the clock tower in Tripoli was a demonstration of government 
power; it was built close to the castle and the Grand Mosque, in the heart of Tripoli’s urban 
centre. Even though it was not located in a public space at the time of its construction, the 
tower's existence forced spaces around it to merge and open up, to form what is known 
today as Midan Al sa’aa [In Arabic] (The clock square). Although the midan as a public space 
still exists in the city today, not much has been done to conserve the space and protect its 


historical qualities. The space now is dominated by cars as shown in (fig. 67). 


80 


Figure 66 Section in the clock midan. Source: section through the 3d model. 


Figure 67 The clock midan use in recent yeats the space is dominated by cars. Source. By researcher July 2014 


Furthermore, a new gate Bab Al-Bahar [In Arabic] (the sea gate) was constructed, and part 
of the western wall of the city was demolished in 1909 to promote urban development 
outside the walls. A wider picture of the reform’s effect on the medina’s public spaces could 
be drawn by analysing it in relation to the former urban forces (pre-Ottomans), the changes 


and developments in relation to both the Roman and Islamic forces. 


81 


Comparison of forces of urban change prior to Ottoman the reform 


Roman- 
Ottoman 
The Roman 
main gate 


The Roman 


routes 


The Roman 
arch spaces 


The Roman 
arch spaces 


Islamic- 
Ottoman 
The Grand 


mosque 


The reform has concentrated on developing 
the area around the new Ottoman gate El 
Menshiya gate [In Arabic], validating it as 
the main gate to the medina instead of the 
former Roman gate (The freedom gate). 


As a result of the reform the last remaining 
Roman roads that leads directly to the arch 
space declined. There is no link between the 
Roman documents and the new main 
Ottoman paths. 


Due to this reform, the Roman arch space 
that was once the main public space in the 
city, not only lost its momentum but also 
became isolated. 

Both direct paths connecting the arch to the 
spaces outside of the medina are blocked. 


Furthermore, as part of the reform the 
Ottomans built a mosque in front of the 
atch which separates its strong visual 
connection with the port. Thus, the arch 
space became up till today fully isolated. 


The reform integrated the grand mosque 
with its surroundings, in a way that made 
Tripoli comply with the general model of an 
Islamic city. A central Grand mosque 
sutrounded by trade areas and a central 
public space. 


The power of the tomb in forming the main 
public spaces in Tripoli. The reform’s heavy 
changes and development of the spaces 
outside the walls could not demolish the 
tomb known as Hamoda’s tomb [in Arabic]. 
It had to work around it. 


This tomb’s existence is so important to the 
people that even the later Italian colony 
found it hard to demolish. As will be shown 


in the Italian chapter. 


Table 2 Comparison of forces of urban change prior to the reform 


82 


3.4 Public space characteristics in Ottoman Tripoli 


3.4.1 The Streets in Al-medina Tripoli. 

The streets in the medina of Tripoli are different from other traditional Islamic cites in North 
Africa. In general, old medinas are known for their narrow, twisted streets, with surprising 
changes and slight curves; however, Tripoli is different due to the earlier Roman influence. 
Until the early 1890s, Tripoli developed three different street patterns: two inside the city 
walls and one outside the walls (after the Ottoman reform). The streets were a combination 
of the original Roman grid, an organic pattern (developed during the Islamic conquest), and 


an Ottoman radial pattern outside the walls. 


Mahmoud Daza '” argues that the varied sizes and shapes of the buildings developed in the 
medina over time define whether the streets are straight, bent or curved. This research has 
demonstrated that there were different forces behind the shape and form of the medina 
streets. The main streets in the old medina were based on the historical Roman grid network. 
Even though the urban fabric was heavily damaged during the (pre-Ottoman wars) and there 
was an opportunity to redevelop organically during the early Ottoman period, the streets 
were rebuilt to be wide, straight, and continuous. The streets developed by the early 
Ottomans were mostly informed by the intentions and wishes of the individual rulers. Finally, 
the streets developed during the late Ottoman era were influenced by Europe: they were also 


wide, straight, and continuous. 


Streets in the medina were not just channels for people to pass through; they encouraged the 
medina’s social life and promoted daily social activities. In research by Ezel-Din El-shawesh 
(2000)'**, a number of elderly residents were interviewed about their experience as residents 
in old medina during early Italian colonisation. The interviewees recount the street life in al 
medina Tripoli as rich and interactive. Because these narrow streets provided protection from 
the sun during the summer and warmth in winter, they were preferable spaces for social 
interaction and trade activities. 
Weaving with the most primitive of looms on in one street, each occupation having its own 


quarter where all shops and houses were devoted to a particular industry. Red and yellow 
cotton plaids made dusky interiors almost gay as old women bent above their tasks, throwing 


shuttles and pulling threads in unconsciously picturesque attitudes, while barracans grew visibly 
under their swiftly flying fingers. But far more beautiful were the soft white fabrics of camel's 


hair, sometimes earners hair and silk together, more rarely silk alone, making a garment of 
154 


most poetic quality 


152 Mahmod Daza, Understanding the traditional built environment: crisis, change, and the issue of human needs in the 
context of habitations and settlements in Libya (PhD Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1982). 
155 Eiz Alden El Shawesh, The Changing Identity of the Built Environment in Tripoli, PhD Thesis, Newcastle, 2000). 
154 Todd Mabel Loomis, Tripoli the mysterious (Boston: Small, Maynard and Company, 1912), p.24 

83 


Streets were spaces where social problems were solved and social ties were maintained. In 
the old city streets, small trade activities taking place further encouraged social interaction. 
Buyer, sellers, and observers shared the streets. Todd’s documented travel in 1900, during 
which she was resident in Tripoli for several months, draws a picture of the type of social 


activities taking part in the streets of Tripoli during the later years of the Ottoman era: 


"Balik! Balik 55!" One jumps aside at the sudden, harsh cry; and a tiny, overloaded donkey 
trots by patiently, its little hoofs sound- less on the white and powdery street. Generally 
weighed down with grass panniers holding huge earthen ware water-jars, often the carcass of a 
sheep or lamb, and perhaps his owner in addition, countless numbers of the pathetic little 
beasts trot eagerly along, helpless ears wagging to and fro, always humble, always sad, with 


woes which never rise to the dignity of genuine sorrows ^6. 


The chorus of street cries was singularly varied. Potatoes, oranges, fish, peculiarly white eggs 


sold by jet black men, each article was accompanied by its special tone and tune, language or 


dialect.!57 


Figure 68 Streets inside the 
medina walls during the 
Ottomans. 


155 (Give a way ot Beware) 
156 Todd, 1912. p.18. 
157 Todd, 1912. p.21. 


84 


Table 3 Streets in medina Tripoli differ according to their historical origin, width, and function, streets of the late ottomans period are four types; 


Type 


historical origin 


function 


Location 


Main street 


Ottoman public streets 


(after the reform) 


the streets accommodated important Ottoman 
public buildings such as the Ottoman hospital, 
the Ottoman military school, trade activities, 


mosques of important people and small shops 


wide, straight, Situated 


outside the walls 


separates the private domestic flow from the 
former one, where street life is semi-public and 
interaction take place as some external goods 


come from other cities for display or sale. 


Commercial Ottoman public streets- | These contain most of the local social and situated inside the walls 
streets Roman influenced commercial activities such as good displaying, 
(prior to the reform) trading. Furthermore, it is the place where 
some light handcraft industries are located 
which some still take place today. 
Neighbourhood | Ottoman semi private | These contain most of the local neighbour Streets inside the medina 
street streets Influenced by the | social activities places where some human wall, serving the urban 
Islamic intervention communications take place. blocks. 
(early ottomans) 
Inner Ottoman private streets | Dead end streets in neighbourhoods, which Small narrow bended 
neighbourhood’s | influenced by the early | serve a number of residences, normally these streets 
streets Islamic intervention streets ate for people who live in it. This type 


85 


Despite the different character of each pattern they merge in a hierarchical design connecting 
the inner and outer spaces together. They developed a strong sense of continuity. The 
physical form and the line of vision-tends to continue over between streets, which generate 
and enforce the connection of the social life in and out of the medina walls. Analysis of the 


streets continuity will be presented in further sections. 


3.4.2 The Markets in Al-medina Tripoli 


Markets are an important public space in all traditional Islamic cities; influencing the dynamic 
of daily life, they always occupied a prominent position in the city. Markets generate social 
activities: “their informal pattern could extend into the urban realm". Markets in Islamic 
cities generally take two forms: covered markets (markets that are set within the urban fabric), 
and open markets (those that exist in public spaces i.e.: squares, midans). Despite differences 
in size, design and location, the activities that take place in these markets are similar i.e.: 
overseas trades, handmade crafts, and everyday goods. Markets are categorised also based on 
their duration: some markets are daily markets; others are seasonal and only take place once 


a yeat, such as at the end of a crop season, or Ramadan markets. 


Usually markets in Islamic walled cities are built in correlation with the medina’s Grand 
Mosque - a central location inside the medina walls - together forming the Islamic urban 
centre. As explained earlier, Tripoli is different to other North African cities. The medina’s 
early Grand Mosque, which was centrally located, was demolished, and the Ottoman mosque 
that took its place is located in the south of the city, next to the main gate. Due to the location 
of the later grand Ottoman mosque, the urban centre separated outside the medina walls. 
The market area consists of covered traditional markets inside the medina walls, and open 


markets outside the walls. 


The public central 
space acted as an open 
matket for trade 
activities that were 
either made inside the 
medina i.e bread, fabric 
and other traditional 
trads. Or imported 
from other cities in the 
region. 


Figure 69 The grand mosque role in developing an urban centre. 


158 Bianca, 2000. p.119. 
86 


The markets in Tripoli during the Ottoman time created continuity between the public spaces 
inside and outside of the medina walls, both physically and socially. Most research today 
refers to the markets inside the city walls as the traditional Ottoman markets (the covered 
market). This is true if Tripoli is considered in its present form. However, through 
investigating the historic layering of Tripoli’s urban fabric, there is evidence that the market 
area used to expand outside the city walls, developing sequence of transitional spaces 


connected to one another. 


In the Ottoman city, markets took different forms. First, the Turkish market is the oldest 
market developed inside the city walls (and still stands in the medina today). As explained in 
the earlier section of this chapter, the bazaar was the core driver behind the development of 
the subsequent surrounding markets. A second covered market named Souk Al-Mosher [In 
Arabic] was developed in the medina: a market designed and built as part of the mosque 
complex, where a number of shops were arranged in front or around the Grand Mosque. 
These shops are generally attached to its arcades; this creates more space for buyers and 


viewets, and also provides protection from the harsh weather. 


Thirdly, a row of shops side by side defined the street edges. During the Ottoman era, these 
shops were used for trades related to light industry, mainly related to shipbuilding. Even 
though the activities in these markets have changed, they still possess their original names: 


(the Carpenter Market), (the Smithy Market), and (The Copper Market) 


Figure 70 Covered markets and their relation to the castle and grand mosque. Redrawn by the researcher based 


on an urban survey. Source: The archive of Jihaz Hamayih Almadinuh Alqadimuh. Tripoli 


87 


Open markets; Research into Tripoli’s development tends to omit the open markets that 
took place in public spaces inside and outside the city walls. These open markets connected 
the inner and outer spaces of the medina. These markets are divided into three different 


types: daily markets, weekly markets, and seasonal markets. 


The daily markets occur every day outside the city walls; goods for these daily markets are 


mostly handmade by people living in the medina. The best example is (The bread market). 


Todd’s experience in Tripoli in the late Ottoman era give insight to the market space. One 
of the picturesque quarters of the city is the square which on certain days is used as the bread 


market, where hundreds of Arabs crouch all day under their barchans’”. 


Figure 71 the bread market and its Map location outside the city walls. Source: archive of the Islamic History 


Museum. Tripoli 


1908 LA PLACH PP» MARCHÉ A TRIPOLI 


Figure 72 The market area outside the medina walls. Source: Itrablus Zaman 


159 Todd, 1912. p.137. 
88 


To me this bread market will always be associated with one memorable morning. For the first 
time in many months a caravan had been sighted, and was even then beginning to arrive, after 
ten months' weary crossing of the well-nigh limitless desert. The camels stepped slowly, heavily 
laden with huge bales securely tied up ivory and gold dust, skins and feathers. On the saddles 
were gay rugs and blankets, a few good saddle-bags, but generally uninteresting in pattern and 
quality. Wrapped in dingy drapery and carrying guns ten feet long, swarthy Bedouins led the 
weary camels across the sun-baked square. In the singular and silent company marched a few 
genuine Tuaregs, black veils strapped tightly over two hundred and fifty camels composed the 
train, one or two carrying tightly closed palanquins in which favourite wives rode in safe 


retirement. Arabs, Bedouins, Tuaregs even, looked worn and tired; and far out into the desert 


stretched the incoming horde!®. 


The weekly market location outside the city walls. Source: archive of the Islamic History Museum. Tripoli 


The weekly markets took place in different areas in the region, on a specific day in each city. 
Tripoli’s weekly is named Souk al Tholatha [in Arabic], meaning the Tuesday market. This is 
a market for goods that have been made/imported from other cities. As these markets 
consisted of traders who sell and export their products to other countries, they are located 


next to the docks for easier transfer. 


The Tuesday market, Suk el-Thalath, is held in a huge open space beyond the city, along the 
wide beach. Almost an epitome of the city's varied life, products of native industry appear in 
primitive guise. On the outskirts are crowded animals for sale, regiments of camels, here and 
there a white one or a baby camel, goats in great flocks, kids, little cows, sheep, donkeys, 
ponies; and bales of esparto grass, through which comes a large part of the actual income of 


the city!9!, 


By noon the crowd disperses, and the open beach is left once mote to its normal white 
smoothness; tents are gone, animals have trotted away, nationalities are scattered, and one of 


the most picturesque events in the life of Tripoli is over for a week!™. 


160 Todd, 1912. p.138. 
16! Tbid,. p.129. 
162 Todd, 1912. p.133. 
89 


- - 'The water fountain. 


Figure 73 The weekly market (Tuesday market). Tripoli date 1910 Source: The archive of Jihaz Hamayih 
Almadinuh Alqadimuh. Tripoli 


TRIPOLI D'AFRIQUE. Grand Marche des Chimeuus 


Figure 74 The location of the weekly market in Tripoli, the castle in the background. Source: LCAHS, photograph 
number 18 Album 3A. 


Finally, the seasonal markets are those that take place on certain days of the month/year 
mainly to sell seasonal goods. Examples of seasonal markets include (the date market), (the 
sheep market) or (the camel market). During the Ottoman time, these markets often 
developed as a result of the influence of travellers from other villages, who would travel the 


desert, and settle outside the medina walls to trade their goods before moving on. 


90 


Figure 75 The seasonal market (the camel market). date 1910. Sourc: The archive of Jihaz Hamayih Almadinuh 
Algadimuh. Tripoli 


3.4.3 The medina open spaces. 


The medina Tripoli developed interesting spaces during its history that vary in their 
functionality and importance. They are physical spaces, such as the one known as the camel 
market. This space was originally founded as a shipyard during the Qarahmanli dynasty. With 
the decline of the ship manufacturing industry, the space evolved to become an important 
open space inside the medina walls. The Italians later redeveloped this space into a hotel due 


to its central location. 


Figure 76 The camel market as a public space in the medina. Source Management of the 
historical cities authority. Tripoli 


The second public space in the medina was that surrounding the Turkish fountain Abou 


Melyana. The space was a public gathering point until Italian intervention in the medina. 


91 


A great rallying point in the city was the Turkish fountain, erected in honour of the present 


Sultan's predecessor, and always surrounded by a varied throng at all hours”. 


Figure 77 Midan Al khandak. Source 
Management of the historical cities 
authority. Tripoli 


Roof terraces represent another form of public space in Tripoli. Used by men during the 


daytime and by women at night, Todd describes the use of the roof terraces as follows: 


After the sun slipped down from the blazing heavens and shadows grew long and cool, roof 
terraces became the city's promenades where veiled ladies emerged, white like the city itself, to 
gaze safely forth above curious eyes’. 


er 


f BT 


R 
4 


e "Ee 
+ hie 


A Me 


Figure 78 Roof terraces. Source: Todd. 1912 


165 Todd, 1912. p.26. 
164 Todd, 1912. p.63. 
92 


3.5 Continuity of Public spaces in Ottoman medina Tripoli. 


In order to investigate the continuity (integration) of public spaces during Ottoman times, 
the following section of this chapter outlines the results of investigating public spaces 
through map examination, photo reading, and regenerating a 3D model of a case study in 


the medina. This is an attempt to reveal the effects of the reform. 


Public spaces in the medina (ie. streets, midans, port, and open markets) played an 
important role not just as paths for movement and spaces for gathering, but as urban links 
joining the old and new Ottoman city fabric. During Ottoman rule, as aforementioned, there 
were two main stages (before and after) the urban reform; the first, when the urban fabric 
developed inside the city walls and the second, when the urban fabric grew and expanded 
outside the city walls. The transition between inside and the outside the walls defines the 
degree of continuity of the public spaces. Continuity in public spaces can take different 
shapes; however, for the interest of this research the continuity in public spaces refers to 
continuity in three forms: continuity of the urban structure, the social activities, and visual 


continuity when moving from one space to another. 


Tripoli being a walled city (only accessible through gates) meant that the transition between 
the inside /outside could only be studied at the medina’s main gate where the reform took 
place, thus, the empirical analysis of public space continuity will focus on the main case study 
area in the medina where the transition between the Ottoman, Italian colonial, and post- 


colonial urban fabric overlapped, and how these changes affected the rest of the medina. 


Figure 79 The medina core. The case study area. 


93 


> m 
a LA did 


ite T 


Figure 80 Tripoli core. 1551 


3.5.1 Continuity of the urban structure 


A strong sense of continuity developed as a result of the Ottoman reform, largely due to the 


medina extending outside the walls. 


Linking the new urban form with the old fabric made the main gate and the dividing walls 
less significant: the inner and outer spaces had merged into one continuous space. Similarities 


between the old and new physical structure took many forms. 


Figure 81 the main gate area after the reform (inside the medina). Source Management of the historical cities 


authority. Tripoli 


94 


Continuity in height, width | Continuity of the street’s width Continuity of the architectural design 


and shape 


Table 4 continuity of the streets outside the medina walls 


Figure 82 The continuity of the streets outside the medina walls. 


As proven through the earlier analysis, the Ottomans deflected attention from the former 
Roman arch space by encouraging medina growth away from the former Roman centre. The 
Ottomans redirected the flow of movement away from the arch space by closing one of the 
main gates that led directly to it; they also avoided the existing Roman gate and constructed 
a new Ottoman one. The reform cemented these eatly steps: it did not just lead to the 
abandonment of the use of the former Roman gate, the reform blocked it from any future 
connection with main spaces outside the walls. In other words, even though the Ottomans 


did not close the gate, they significantly altered its function and relevance in the city. 


Figure 83 The Roman gate separated from the new urban spaces (became the hidden gate) 


95 


The physical structure was for both continuity and social segregation. Through the map 
analysis, it was found that during the Ottomans there was a physical segregation between the 
paths for the locals and those for the royal. Streets used by the Ottomans in power were 
enhanced and provided by a well-decorated building and a water supply structure that gave 
the space an Ottoman sense. Whereas, the ones used by locals, were neglected, narrow with 


no architectural significance. 


3 


Figure 84 Ottoman primary elements next to the Castle. Source: 
LCAHS 


SQ 


3.5.2 Continuity of the social activities 


Public spaces outside the medina encouraged a daily flow of trade activities in and out of the 
medina walls. One of the main goods made in the medina and sold in the main square outside 
the city walls was bread. Libyan food still depends on the production of fresh bread daily. 
Even though other activities take place in the square, this particular trade in the main square 


gave it the name (The bread market). 


Bakers without warning pulled out from their ovens huge shovels full of yellow loaves, until 
the long iron handles, reaching nearly across the street, proved a sudden stumbling block to 
the unwary. It must be distinctly convenient to use the street as a sort of supplementary 
bake-shop, when one's own premises are too small for manipulating the long-handled 


implements of trade™. 


165 Todd, 1912. p.21. 
96 


Figure 85 The bread midan outside the walls and its daily activities. Source Management of the historical cities 


authority. Tripoli 


Religious activities take place in public spaces in and outside the city walls: “In front of their 
open shops devout Arabs read the Koran in apparent absorption; never so far removed from 
this world's affairs"! ^, Other religious activities start outside the medina walls, but continue 
around the streets and the markets inside the city walls. An example of such religious 
activities marks the celebration of Prophet Mouhamed’s day of birth, named Al Mouled [in 
Arabic]. The celebration begins outside the city walls, and worshippers travel by foot until 


they reach the camel market in the medina. 


Figure 86 The movement of activities from outside the walls toward the medina. Source Management of the 


historical cities authority. Tripoli 


166 Todd, 1912. p.21. 
97 


3.5.3 Visual continuity 

Even though the Ottoman fabric no longer exists outside the city walls today - it is entirely 
replaced by the Italian colonial fabric - through photo analysis and the regenerated 3D model 
it is clear that the visual continuity of the Ottoman form was strong. The researcher believes 


that this continuity of visual affect inspired the later Italian colonial architecture. 


The Ottomans developed a strong visual connectivity in their urban form by using the arch 


as architectural design unit. 


The distinctive architectural features are characterized by their simplicity of design and 
spirituality form and substance. The decorations carved on stones, marble and timber, in 
addition to the simplicity of domes and minarets has an important role in the reflection of 


architectural and urban features for this period”. 


In the old medina, the arch shape is door shaped opening; a set of arches can be arranged to 
cover arcades and terraces. Furthermore, most streets during the Ottoman period used the 
flying buttresses (arches) between sides of the street. These arches took irregular shapes and 
forms and supported the structure of the houses along the streets. Piccioli describes the 
arches in the documentation of his travels to medina Tripoli in 1935” The heavy arches, 


which run from house to house, have an appearance of unevenness combined with 


23168 


something fantastic and yet simple 


Figure 87 Views of streets in the Ottoman fabric and arches. Source Management of the historical cities authority. 


Tripoli 


Apart from their value in terms of street construction, the arches play a visual role in public 


spaces. Firstly, they direct the flow of movement from one space to another. They break the 


167 Bashir Azlitni, "The Libyan Architectural Features between Tradition and Modernization '. Int. Journal for Housing Science, 
33 (2009), 137-148, (p.41). 
168 Angelo Piccioli, The Magic Gate of the Sahara (London: Methuen & Co, 1935), p.3. 

98 


long linear form of the medina’s streets, making the walking journey more enjoyable. 
Furthermore, the distribution of these arches in different parts of the street expresses a sense 


of unity, continuity and harmony in the medina’s public spaces. 


The shadows created by the arches on the simple building forms add depth to the visual 
experience in the medina. They project a dynamic pattern that changes in shape and size 


throughout the day. 


Every aspect of the buildings seems to give a clear indication of the structure and rhythm of 
its life...stimulus to the imagination-great spaces of shadow which are coloured here and there 


with a thousand different tones!®. 


The same architectural unit (the arch) was used by the Ottomans to enforce the visual 
continuity of public space outside the city walls. Using simple and natural building materials, 


simple shapes and structural techniques, they developed harmonious textures and colours to 


connect the old fabric with the new one, as seen in the next figure. 


Figure 88 The use of the arch and the medina’s visual connectivity. Source: The digital photographic collection 
of (Old City Tripoli Libya) 

Another significant feature of the main streets in the Ottoman urban fabric is that each street 

either starts or ends with a physical element, such as a gate, mosque and tower, or a market; 

this creates a visual experience that is memorable and continuous. A 3D model replication 

of this experience demonstrates the smooth transition between public spaces during the 


Ottoman times. 


169 Ibid,. p.3. 
99 


100 


aken during the walk through during the Ottoman Tripoli. 


A1- A1 


Figure 90 Section plans in the Ottoman { 
model 


101 


Figure 91 The embedded vied file of the walkthrough, for digital copy. 


** Please if you are reading a printout of the thesis, watch the 
video of the walk through in the attached CD. File named 


(Public Spaces in Tripoli During the Ottomans Time). 


102 


Soa 


zem 


3.6 Summary of Stimulation study part 1 Tripoli in the Ottoman time: 


1- continuity Passing through public spaces in medina 
Tripoli, out of the city gate and across the 
urban development outside of the city is a 
smooth journey. There is a continuity in the 
space in both its physical and spatial form; it 
does not change much inside and outside the 


walls 


2- Spatial From the 3D model it is evident that there 
division was a clear division between the royal family 
and the rest of the people. 

The first spaces are for the royal members 
living in the castle; this space is well maintained 
and connected directly to the port, with a large 
well-designed water fountain. The second 
space is for regular people; these spaces are 
irregular in form, tight, and connected to the 
daily market, with a small water fountain. There 
is no evidence of the decorative aspects that are 


commonly associated with Ottoman 


architecture. 


3- Radial - The connection between public spaces inside 
system 

y the city walls and the outside area is called the 
bread market. This space acts as a central space 


whete all the daily activities take place. 


4- Daily -The bread market. 
activities -Mosques 

-Water supplies 
-Traditional markets 
-Coffee shops 

-Cemetery 

-Zawaya (Islamic teaching places) 
-Hotels for travellers 

5- -Domes 

Architecture - Arches 

of the space. - Row of roman columns 
- Reused Roman remains 
- Low rise fabric 


Table 5 Stimulation study part 1 Tripoli in the Ottoman time 


104 


Chapter 4 


Public spaces and the built environment of as an Italian colony 


4.1 Introduction 


The previous chapter has presented the findings concerning Tripoli’s public spaces and the 
formation of Tripoli’s urban core until the end of Ottoman occupation. This chapter, 
continues the presentation and analysis of the historical research findings, it covers the 
second-time layer of the research: Tripoli as an Italian colony (1911-1951). The chapter is 
divided into two sections: a historical research investigating the forces driving the evolution 
of Tripoli’s public spaces during the Italian invasion; and secondly, a morphological analysis 
examining the changes of the urban fabric and its effect on the continuity of public spaces 


in Tripoli physically, socially and visually. 


The present research examines the changes in Tripoli’s urban form and public spaces starting 
in early 1911, when the Italians used military force to take Tripoli from the Ottomans, until 
Tripoli gained independence (1951). The underlying forces behind the growth and change of 
Tripolis cityscape are military, economic and social. Examining maps, documents, and 
reports written by architects (or even military members responsible for Tripoli’s 
development), it is possible, to an extent, to locate the important urban evidence (primary 
elements) of Tripoli’s evolution as an Italian colony, and to compare and contrast these 


changes and their effect on the city's public spaces (i.e.: streets, squares, gates, markets). 


Section two consists of a morphological analysis of public spaces at the late Italian stage 
(1942). 'The continuity of these spaces will be investigated in three different ways: physically, 
socially, and visually. This section uses 2D map photos and the earlier generated 3D model 
(Ottoman model) of the main public spaces during the Ottoman times to examine the urban 


changes. 


The chapter ends with a summary of the main forces that shaped public spaces in Tripoli 
during the Italian colony, and their general characteristics, as a base for the analysis for the 


next chapter (Tripoli post colony). 


105 


4.2 Forces of evolution and change in Tripoli’s public spaces during 


the Italian colony. 


Urban research about Tripoli as an Italian colony was limited, according to the American 
academic scholar well-known for her Italian colonial architecture research, Mia Fuller (2000). 
Puller points out that “only a handful of scholarly efforts have been devoted to Italian 
architectural and urban policies in Tripoli". The 35 years of Italian colonisation of Tripoli 


is short relative to the 360 years of the Ottoman Empire; nonetheless it was sufficient “to 


be both destructive and constructive in significant ways". 


In studying growth and change in Tripoli’s urban form, two sets of time were clearly 
identified. The first falls between (1911-1930) when Tripoli was referred to in the literature 


as (the Italian colony) and second is between (1930-1951) when Tripoli was named (the 


172 


Italian Tripoli) ". Even though the terms may not seem so different, each period had its 


unique urban forces, plans, visions, architects and public figures driving the growth and 
change of public spaces in the city. Forces of growth and change in both times will be 


identified and examined in the following sections. 


The Italian colonisation of Libya was driven by its availability -at the time Libya was the only 
place in North Africa that was still under Ottoman tule, as other countries were taken by 


the French and the British, its geography -the geographical location of Libya opposite side 


173 


to Italy, its economics; investments with the Ottomans in Tripoli ^ and most importantly its 


historical significance; its Roman origins ^. The Italians made occupying Libya their primary 
objective; they considered it a given right due to its proximity and its classical Roman history. 


Premier Giovanni Giolitti, Minister of Interior and a representative of moderate 


175 


conservative party in Italy ", wrote in a letter to the « Daily Express » of London, September 


1910, explaining the reasons why Italy was compelled to overtake Tripoli: 


'The reasons of this conflict are many, the principal one being, that Turkey would not admit 


the necessity of our expansion in Tripolitania, and the earnestness of our intentions... One 


170 Mia Fuller, 'Preservation and self-absorption: Italian colonisation and the walled city of Tripoli, Libya'. The Journal of 
North African Studies, 5 (2000), p.121-154 
171 ]bid,. p.121. 
172 Francois Dumasy, 'In the middle and apart, Prestige and centrality in Tripoli of Libya during the Italian colonization, 
1911-1943', Spatial Dimension of Inequalities. (Rennes: Presses Universities de Rennes, 2011), 209-232. 
173 Al-Abiath, R. N. Tripoli in the Writings of Travellers during the Nineteenth Century (Tripoli: Aldar Alarabya Ll Ktab, 2009) [In 
Arabic] 
174 Ronald Bruce St John, Historical Dictionary of Libya. (Maryland: Roman & Littelfield, 2014), p.57. 
175 And later premaster of Italy between (1920-1921). 

106 


needs only to look at a Map, and will see at once the ethnic connection of Sicily with 

Tripoli... History tells us that Tripoli was Greek when Sicily was Greek also, and both became 
Roman under Roman domination. And in these last fifty years of our great evolution, with the 
growth of our population, and our prosperity and wealth, Tripoli could not but feel the effect 


of the old ethnic law, and be considered as an appendage of Italy!” 


Figure 92 Map showing the location and proximity Sicilia & Tripoli. Source Googel earth 


However, prior to the Italian military invasion in September 1911, apart from the Italian 
economic permeation through their establishment of Bank of Rome in Tripoli in 1907 
(Banka Di Roma) and its investments", not much was known by the Italians about the 
colony. After the wat began, Professor John Walter Gregory’, a British geologist and 
explorer, wrote the first report examining the new colony's wealth in 1911. He emphasised 
the poverty of the country, its lack of water, and its widespread rocks and deserts, revealing 
that the main exports were limited to olive oil and barley'”. A deficiency of knowledge about 
the land topology, agrarian productivity, social structure and resources made it hard for the 


Italian military to gain support and to justify the cost and their losses during the ongoing 


war", Owing to the lack of good resources in a land mostly covered with sand*, it was 


176 Paolo De Vecchi, Italy's civilizing mission in Africa (New York: Brentano, 1912), p.5. 
17 N Al-Abiath, Tripoli in the Writings of Travellers during the Nineteenth Century. (Tripoli: Libyan Historical Studies 
Centre, 2009) 
178 Fellow of the Royal Society London, and named professor of geology (1904-1929) 
179 Bernard E. Leake, The Life and Work of Professor J.W. Gregory FRS (1864-1932), Geologist, Writer and Explorer 
(London: Geological Society, 2011), p.127. 
*The colony's oil or gas potential was not considered at that time. 
180 “Expert financiers estimate that the war has in the period ending February 29, 1912, cost a total of $57,900, - 000 or at 
a daily rate of $386,000" in William Henry Beehler, The History of the Italian-Turkish War, September 29, 1911, to October 
18,1912 (Annapolis: Advertiser republican, 1913), p.60. 

107 


181 
853 


considered that the appropriate use for the new colony Libya is as a (Peopling Colony) 
land that would be advertised as the solution for the overpopulated and underemployed Italy. 


Turkey 


d 
Morocco 


nf gypt 


Figure 93 Map of Libya and its desert. Source: Google earth. 


Advertising the Italian vision of Tripoli as an expansion of Italy meant for the relocation of 
Italian families. To encourage Italian families to move to the new colony, once the war ended 
in 1920, public spaces were developed to accommodate diverse activities, such as the Tripoli 
Grand Prix racetrack (Automobile Club di Tripoli) in 1925, an International Fair (Fiera 
Internazionale di Tripoli) in 1927, and open cinemas and theatres (Teatro Miramare Tripoli) 
in 1928. They also developed a sense of similarity between Italy's public spaces, urban forms 
and spatial order and the ones they developed in Tripoli. These changes affected the physical 
form, the spatial structure and social use of public spaces of the previous Ottoman Tripoli, 


as will be examined in later sections of this chapter. 


Since this research is focused on public spaces in Tripoli and the forces behind any changes 
in this respect, the analysis of this chapter is centred around the findings of the eatlier time 
set (Ottoman chapter). It is necessary therefore at this point to summarise Tripoli's public 
spaces within the Ottoman urban form at the time the Italians entered Tripoli (in September 
1911). 


181 Fassil Demissie, Colonial Architecture and Urbanism in Africa (Routledge, 2012), p.34. 
108 


The total area inside the walled city was approximately 46 hectares" with a population of 
20,000. Most of the open space inside the medina walls was built up and expanded outside 
the walls. The Ottoman’s primary urban elements included the medina’s walls, the castle, the 
clock tower, the city’s main mosque, the bazars, the Roman arch, the port, and some varied 
religious buildings i.e.: St Mary's church. In addition to the city’s public spaces, inner and 
outer spaces included the daily and weekly markets, streets, midans, and the port. These 
utban elements formed a significant factor in the urban evolution of the previous era, as 


summarised in (Tab.6). 


Primary elements Public spaces Spatial system 


Medina’s walls & castle Inner and outer spaces Traditional Islamic fabric 


Roman arch & The port P 


Open market Radial system 


Clock towet, water fountains 


Streets 
“> 
er 
Main mosque & Bazars 5 P 
9 25s Maidan 


Tomb & St Mary church 


Table 6 Summary of the primary urban evidence of Tripoli during the Ottomans time. 


182 Rghei, A and Nelson, J, "The Conservation and Use of the Walled City of Tripoli". The Geographical Journal, 160 (1994), 
143-158. 
109 


Figure 95 Aerial view 1: Tripoli’s 1912 main open space named the Bread market, and the tomb. 


Source: The National Archives of Libya. Red Castle, Tripoli. [In Arabic] 


Figure 94 Aerial view 2: The medina in 1912 showing the walled city of Tripoli, the port and some of the fabric 
outside the medina walls. Source: Libya Design, Cultural Design Centre, Tripoli 


Source: The National Archives of Libya. Red Castle, Tripoli. [In Arabic] 


110 


Figure 96 Aerial view 3: The bread market area, the main radial streets and the urban fabric outside the medina 


walls. Source: The National Archives of Libya. Red Castle, Tripoli 


d 


Figure 97 Aerial view 4: The water front prior to the Italian corniche. Source The National Archives of Libya. 


Red Castle, Tripoli 
5 ae en Engl Mile 
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Figure 98 Map of Tripoli during the Ottomans at 1910. Source: Libya Survey Department. Tripoli 


111 


Figure 99 Sky line of the outer side of Tripoli’s wall showing the height of the Ottoman fabric and its consistency 


with the heights inside the medina walls. In 1911. Source: The ancient city administration, Tripoli [In Arabi] 


In terms of local architecture, the Italians described the old city as rich. Krystyna von 
Henneberg's research includes several scholarly articles, stressing the rich legacy of the 
Classical Roman Empire in Libya. The Roman remains, such as the arch and grid pattern, 
tell the historical story of the city. The Ottomans had a mixed architectural style which vatied 
between simple/plain and decorative/representative. Religious interests guided the 
development of the Ottoman public spaces in the medina: the building heights, the non- 
direct openings onto the streets, the simple and plain facades'?. The city gathered various 
different characteristics during different eras, as Tripoli evolved from the Phoenician era 


onwatds. 


4.2.1 Forces of growth and change during the early Italian colony (1911-1930) 


4.2.1.1 Tripoli during the Italian invasion 1911-1912 


Wanting Libya and claiming it were two entirely different issues. The invasion of Libya's 
coastal cities, namely Tripoli and Benghazi, was relatively easy; it was the secuting, settling, 


and holding of the region that was challenging. Resistance to the Italians was constant and 


184 


widespread from the invasion until the 1920s ". The Italians faced external and internal 


soutces of opposition. The struggle with the resistance can be seen reflected in both the 
utban choices the Italians made in terms of developing Tripoli in the early years of its colony, 


and their ability to achieve them, as will be shown in the following sections. 


183 Krystyna von Henneberg, 'Imperial Uncertainties: Architectural Syncretism and Improvisation in Fascist Colonial 
Libya '. Journal of Contemporary History, 31 (1996), 373-395. 
184 Saima RAZA, ‘Italian Colonisation & Libyan Resistance the Al-Sanusi of Cyrenaica (1911-1922)', Journal of Middle 
Eastern and Islamic Studies, 6 (2012), 87-120. 

112 


It is necessary to clarify that during the long Turkish-Italian war, Tripoli’s Ottoman urban 
fabric was not affected. Tripoli - in contrast to other Libyan coastal cities such as Benghazi 
- was fortunate that during the Italian invasion in September 1911, the urban fabric was not 
destroyed. Between the Italians avoiding bombing the inner city, and the Ottomans’ 
willingness to surrender it, damage to the medina was limited. This is supported in the work 


of journalist Edward Morel: 


At the former place, practically no resistance was offered and little damage was done, the 


Turkish garrison retiring inland185 


Though the buildings in the city were avoided, fires were started in several, and the governor's 
palace was hit a number of times. The new lighthouse was completely destroyed. After dark, 


the ships got under way and cruised in the offing with screened lights 186. 


The Turks surrounded Tripoli exterior to the circumference of a circle with a radius of 15 to 
20 kilometres extending from near the village of Gargaresch around near Ain Zara to Bir-el- 


Turki east of Ain Zara 187. 


Tripoli preserved most of its Ottoman fabric, as well as what was left of the Roman 
remains. Any later changes were deliberate and did not result from the Italian-Turkish 


wat. 


4.2.1.2 Italian urban planning during the first year of the war 1911-1920s 


Two forces drove the changes in Tripoli’s urban fabric from the time of the invasion and 
during the transitional phase: security, and making the city attractive to future economic 
investments. Any changes in the city were designed to work toward the vision set for Tripoli, 
therefore, when Tripoli’s port showed the first signs of becoming inefficient and voices called 
for its redevelopment, the Ministry of Public Works in Italy sent in Luigi Luiggi'® (a well- 
known engineer, specialist in harbours and harbour neighbourhoods) to assess the situation 
and draw out plans for future developments in the city. The results of his assessment were 
published in Nuova Antologia’® (1912), [in Italian]. Luiggi's report focused on five areas of 
development in the city: the port, the train station, sanitation, water supply, and improving 


190 


road communication ". The following section will investigate these elements and their 


185 E. D. Morel, The Black Man's Burden (London: The National Labour Press LTD, 1920), p.98. 
186 Beehler, William Henry, The History of the Italian-Turkish War September 29, 1911 to October 18, 1912 (Annapolis: 
Annapolis Md The Advbrtisbr-Rrpublican, 1913), p.20. 
187 Morel, p.52. 
188 Luigi Luiggi. He used to live and work in Italy, but he was in charge of the first study and urban plan for the port and 
the old town of Tripoli in 1912 (he sketched the first urban plan, systemized by M. Albino Pasini on a Turkish map, plan 
approved during September 1912). 
189 A quarterly periodical of letters, sciences and arts founded in January 1866 in Florence. It became the official magazine 
of the Academy of Italy. 
190 Brian McLaren, Architecture and Tourism in Italian Colonial Libya: An Ambivalent Modernism (University of 
Washington Press, 2006), p.21. 

113 


relation to the Ottoman fabric, to understand the trajectory of change and growth of Tripoli's 


public spaces. 


4.2.1.3 Tripoli’s port and its connections as a public space in the city: 


Tripoli’s port did not meet the demands of the Italian war, nor the trade activities that 
developed in the city. Due to insufficient resources in the city the Italians depended heavily 
on imports from Italy, not just for weapons and armoury but also daily needs such as food 


and water to cater for the rising number of troops scattered in the surrounding desert. 


Meanwhile Tripoli had become a scene of bustling activity... a new life stirred and flowed. 
The tide of commerce that the war had brought rose higher, and there were added the 
beginnings of activities that would persist after peace came—the work for the port, long talked 
of by the Turks and always relegated to a more convenient season, and the roots of other 


enterprises that should flourish in the future.191 


Tripoli’s port was also going to be instrumental in the construction of a new railway, an 
element introduced to the city by the Italians. The construction of the railway needed to 
happen quickly in order to support the Italian troops positioned to take control of the 
surrounding areas around Tripoli. 

The port was dangerous and unfit to cover the demands of war, which delayed the process 
of constructing the railway. As a result, the Italian troops lost the chance to fully control 
Tripoli and it surroundings as the Turks had time to rally and became harder to overthrow. 
This also delayed the development of the main five elements of the first Italian plan for 


Tripoli, as William Kidston McCure describes in his account of the war of written in 1913: 


News came that sixty kilometres of rails were on their way from Italy, and this figure seemed 
to promise an advanced base at Azizia. The line of route was marked out through the oasis as 
far as Sido Messri, and by the middle of January soldiers were busy making the road-bed for a 


metre-gauge line.192 


'The pott of Tripoli is practically an open roadstead, only slightly sheltered by the reef of rocks 
that runs far out on its western side. The water deepens very gradually, and landing railway 
material, with the inadequate facilities existing, was a matter of great difficulty. Wooden jetties 
were constructed, but the ordinary supplies for the army of occupation had first call on the 


resources of the port193. 


191 W, K. McClure, Italy in north Africa, An Account of the Tripoli Enterprise (London: Constable and Company Ltd, 1913), 
p.122. 
122 Thid,. p.123. 
193 McClure, p.125. 
114 


By analysing the layout plan for Tripoli as part of the port development three main 


findings can be identified. First, the division of the port activity; 


Figure 100 The port level and the 


current docks location. 


Figure 101 Old port of Tripoli showing the deep and shallow side of the water. Source: The Red Saraya 
Museum. (Tripoli) (date not-known) 


“In the course of the month the Italians landed some 25,000 troops in the town”!. 


Figure 102 The Italian invasion in 1911, the Italian troops landing on the coasts of Tripoli. Source: Libyan Jihad 


Centre for Historical Studies Tripoli. 


194 McClure, p.127. 
115 


Plans for the port came as part of a wider development of the area, meant to transform 

it from a small harbour to a node connecting Tripoli to Italy. 

As soon as Tripoli had been relieved of the immediate presence of the Turco- Arab forces 
[In Tripoli] the question of the port was tackled by the Italian authorities. Complete plans 
were drawn up with all speed, the scheme was passed, and the contract given a few weeks 
after the beginning of the year. The scheme is ambitious, and the estimated cost of the 
complete project approaches million sterling; but the work will be under-taken in sections, 


and spread out over a considerable time. 


The task is greatly facilitated by the existence of the reef which runs north-east from the 


Spanish Fort, or, as the Italians now call it, the Semaphore Battery. 


The dimensions of the harbour will be, roughly, seventeen hundred by fifteen hundred metres, 
and wharf age will be constructed as occasion demands, in accordance with the division of the 
general scheme into sections. A certain amount of dredging will have to be done, and it will be 
necessary to blast some rocks in the middle of the bay, but there will be no difficulty in making 


a wide area of water accessible to the largest ships.!?* 


196 


The plan for the port was to divide it into two sections, the commercial section and the 
future naval section. This meant that the port, as a public space, would for the first time have 
more than one entry point to the city, one for the commercial services and another for the 
navy. This also meant the development of a new sequence of spaces connecting the port to 


the medina. 


'The completed plan of the undertaking is elaborated, including a division of the harbour 
into naval and commercial ports; it may be presumed that the carrying out of all the details 
will largely depend upon the commercial development of Tripoli, but the naval part of the 
work will probably not be long delayed!?7 


Figure 103 First plan for Tripoli in 1912. Source: Shawesh. 2000. 


195 McClure, p.139. 
1% It will be referred to as the old port and the new port. 
197 McClure, p.140. 
116 


TEPDI Pinaya 


Figure 104 The old port of Tripoli prior to the Italian intervention. Source: The ancient city administration, 


translated [In Arabic] 


The second important element of the first Italian plan that can be extracted from the map 
is the establishment of a new road to run alongside the walls and connect the port to the 
main spaces outside the medina (the bread market area). Even though it was planned as a 
future development at that time, the connection would have driven the main movement that 


takes place in the medina to outside of the walls. 


Figure 105 The Italian plan proposing a new connection that will drive the active trade path outside the medina. 


(Left old path) (Right the proposal). 


The third significant part presented in the plan was the railway track. The tracks were 
designed to run from the docks, along the north west of the medina, terminating at the 
central station. Both the track and the station act as a barrier that isolates the medina’s main 


public space. 


117 


A narrow-gauge railroad from Tripoli to Ain Zara was completed as far as Fornaci, which is 7 
kilometres from Tripoli. The Italians built a field construction railroad to the stone quarries at 


Gargaresch for stone to build the breakwater at Tripoli !° 


Figure 106 Photo of the rail tracks ruing along the medina west wall. 


Source: Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies [In Arabic] 
* Tripoli after the military landing and during the Italian war 1911-1912: 


Along with planning both immediate, urgently needed extensions and future developments, 
the Italians were still fighting a war. Even though the Turkish had surrendered the old city, 
they did not leave Tripoli; they rallied in the surrounding areas to fight back against the 
Italians. Edward Morel, a French-born British journalist and socialist, explains the 


Ottoman’s strategy in his documentation of the Italian Turkish war: 


The tactics of the Turks in leaving the capital as the invaders entered it, seemed to confirm the 
accuracy of these forecasts. But the Italians were quickly undeceived. They imagined they were 
only fighting a few Turkish soldiers. They found, in due course, that they were fighting the whole 
population, both in Tripoli proper and in Cyrenaica [Bengazi]! 


During the war, the Italians used Tripoli’s public spaces to demonstrate their power. The 
medina’s public spaces, for the second time in history, became places to fear, spaces that 
represent death to the locals, reminiscent of the time of the Plague, as aforementioned. This 
time, death demanded feat; the bodies of locals and Turks were scattered outside the medina 
walls, in houses and even mosques. Dead bodies were left in public spaces and resistance 


members were hanged in the main public spaces of Tripoli”. The bread market transformed 


198 McClure, p.62. 

199 Edward D. Morel, The Black Man’s Burden: The White Man in Africa from the Fifteenth Century to World War I 
(London: The National Labour Press, Ltd, 1920), p.99. 

200 Even if they are form an area out of Tripoli. 


118 


from a daily market, as described in the previous chapter, full of the smell of freshly made 


bread, to a place that people feared, heard screams and shed tears. 


Figure 107 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on December 1911 in the bread market Tripoli. 


Source: Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli 


Figure 108 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on Oct 1911 in the bread market Tripoli. Source: Libyan 


Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli 


119 


Figure 109 Public hanging of the Libyan resistance on October 1911 in the bread market Tripoli. 


Source :Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli 


Tripoli Italiana - Le truppe avanti alla casina det Comand 


Figure 110 The Italian troops ahead of the commandos’ wing. Source Millecartoline Archive. 


The Tablet, a weekly Catholic journal published in UK since 1840, documented on 11 
November 1911 the events in Tripoli during the war. This included a description of Tripoli 


from Herbert Montagu, an English corresponded based in Tripoli during the war: 


120 


Imagine my feelings when, on entering and driving the Italians out of the Arab houses which 
they had fortified and were holding, we discovered the bodies of some hundred and twenty 
women and children, with their hands and feet bound, mutilated, pierced, and torn. Later on we 
found a mosque filled with the bodies of women and children, mutilated almost beyond 


recognition. I could not count them, but there must have been three or four hundred.?"! 


Another massacre described on 27 October, he says: 


On leaving the town the first object which met our eyes were the bodies of from fifty to seventy 
men and boys, who had been caught in the town on the previous day, or on October 25, and 
shot without trial of any sort. The majority of them were caught without arms, and were executed 
under a general order issued by the Governor, General Carlo Caneva, to exterminate all Arabs 
found in Tripoli or in the oasis. They had been led to this spot with their hands tied behind their 
backs and shot down indiscriminately. This mass of corpses, lying in all attitudes in a solid mass 


piled on one another, could not have covered a space greater than fifteen yards wide by five 


deeps. 70? 


Figure 111 Dead bodies of the resistance outside the city. Source Libyan Jihad Centre for Historical Studies Tripoli 


201 Charles Stephenson, A Box of Sand: The Italo-Ottoman War 1911-1912 (Tattered Flag, 2014), p.89. 
*Similar scenes were seen by other correspondents English, German, and American 
??Anan, "What has happened in Tripoli 1911', The Tablet, 11 November (1911), p.5. 


121 


Figure 112 Libyan bodies scattered in the open spaces outside the medina. 


Source Historical Archive — Alamy. http: //www.alamy.com/stock-photo /historical-archive.html 
Further on: 


For three days, the oasis was given over to massacre in wholesale and detail. Some 4,000 men, 
women and children perished in the course of it — the vast bulk of whom were certainly innocent 
of any participation whatever in the Italian defeat. They were murdered in the streets, in their 
houses, farms, gardens, and according to a peculiarly horrible narrative by a British officer 
serving with the Turkish forces, in a mosque, where several hundred women and children had 


taken refuge. ... All the newspaper correspondents were in agreement as to the main facts? 


The Italians also exiled thousands of Libyan men; they used public spaces such as streets 
and open spaces to enforce this. Libyan men were handcuffed and dragged along the streets 


to further demonstrate Italian power to the locals. 


203 Morel, p.99. 
122 


Figure 114 The exile of Libyan men. Source: Historical Archive — Alamy archive. http://www. 


alamy.com/stock-photo/historical-archive.html 


123 


= 2. y whe 
j ` - 
- 2 > 
L a kt 
e i Y - 
a* f 
3 * 


ne x 
E bs 


M, 
y 


F - LO à , 
^ L— , 
+ 2 t n. A E x ] | q Í 
ü Cei ee EY eee oe oU 


Figure 115 Military forces lined-up on both sides for the Italians. Source: Historical Archive — Alamy. 


<http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/historical-archive.html> 


Even though the Turkish withdrew from the Italian fight in late 1912, the Italians still had 
to fight the resistance of the natives: a fight that lasted another twenty years. In November 


1918, after the military operations in Europe had stopped, Italy landed another 80,000 troops 


124 


in Tripoli and initiated talks with the resistance leaders (West Libyan Bedouin), pressing for 


their surrender. This failed, and in February 1919 the fighting started again. 


The struggle to hold Tripoli’s land disrupted the Italian’s plan for the city. It drove the 
Italians to build a new wall around the city and its outer spaces to defend against attack. The 


location of the wall and the fixed entrances spatially reinforced the existence of the central 


Ottoman public spaces, as shown in the following figure. 


Figure 116 The Italian boundary to mark the Italian territory around Tripoli. Source: Libyan Centre for archives 


and historical studies. Tripoli 


b 
- -—À v 
Sie I Sx) = 


Figure 117 Italian wall around Tripoli. Source: Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli date 


204 V, B. Lutsky, Modern History of the Arab Countries (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969) 
125 


i — 


<a — 4 


Bab Al&arah 


& Bab Tajora (Mellaha) 
[ 


-A Bab Tarhona 


t 


— é Bab Al Famnag 


k 
Bab Aun Zarah 


~ 


Bab BenGeashir 


Figure 118 The new Italian wall, its openings, the radial street system and the medina entrance emphasised 


Tripoli’s central space. 


The map shows that the new wall, with its new entrance points (new gates), led directly to 


the main public spaces of the city. The bread market transformed from an open space 


outside the medina walls, to a central space in the city, connecting the walled medina to the 


new (outside city) and to Italy through the water entrance. The Italians knew the potential 


importance of these central spaces, so they started to relocate the locals to protect the land 


prices and to advertise it for future developments. 


The old medina before the Italian wall 


The old medina after the Italian wall 


The central affect and the division of 


spaces caused by the new Italian wall. 


This new territory explains the evolution of the word Medina in Tripoli today. Even though 


the word medina in the literature mainly refers to the old Islamic urban form, in Tripoli the 


term medina includes the Italian colonial urban form, leaving the Islamic walled city to be 


named (the old medina). The new urban fabric inside the new Italian wall became (The 


medina) whereas the old Ottoman fabric inside the Roman walls became (the old medina). 


126 


The old medina 


The medina 


Figure 119 The difference in terms of the medina in Tripoli, a medina inside a medina. 
4.2.2. Forces of growth and change during the late Italian colony (1920 till 1951) 


At the end of the year 1920 the Italians announced the end of the war and Tripoli entered a 
new stage as a colony, a stage known for its urban modernisation and development. In the 


late 1920s planning was a significant issue in Italy done by municipality of town planning, 


99205 


the time “the shift to a discourse of planning began to occur"^^ . Urban planning was 


founded as a discipline at the school of engineering, as previously it was largely carried out 
by engineers in the municipality of technical office. Planning became a way to transform 
societies, develop new streets, plazas, and public buildings not only for urban development 
but also to rethink the way people move through public spaces and redistribute the hierarchy 


206 


of city’s urban core”. In 1936 architect Giovanni Pellegrini outlined how the Italian colonial 


cities should be planned: a clear defined grid like master plan, parallel streets, central public 


?" Furthermore, Mosilini’s Fascist urbanism focused on 


buildings, squares and public spaces 
opening spaces and clearing buildings around urban monuments i.e. the Arch of Titus. As 
for architecture it Italy since fascists’ rise to power it leant towards neo-classicism, enforcing 
the dilemma between the classical forms and the modern forms””. 

Developing Tripoli during the late Italian colony was a significant matter during the Fascist 
regime that required skilled architects and planners. The new vision for Tripoli was to 
preserve the old medina and start a new modern Tripoli outside the walls, to modernize the 


old city to reflect the image of Italy’s power”. 


205 Fuller,1988. p.456. 
206 Lucy M. Maulsby, Fascism, Architecture, and the Claiming of Modern Milan, 1922 1943 (University of Toronto Press, 
2014). p.11 
207 Krystyna von Henneberg, "Imperial Uncertainties: Architectural Syncretism and Improvisation in Fascist Colonial 
Libya’. Journal of Contemporary History, 31 (1996), 373-395. 
208 Terry Kirk, The Architecture of Modern Italy: Visions of Utopia, 1900-present v. 2 (Princeton Architectural Press, 
2004) 
209 Nora Lafi and Denis Bocquet, 'Local Elites’ and Italian town planning procedures in early colonial Tripoli1911-1912', 
The Journal of Libyan Studies. 3 (2002), p.59-68. 
Fuller, Daza along with work of other researchers including: Shawesh 2000; McLaren 2006; and Burdett 2010 

127 


The Italians generally considered themselves superior to the Libyans, and retained their separate 
linguistic, cultural, and religious identity. They prevented Libyans from entering their social and 
professional circles through various forms of discrimination, such as forbidding them entry to 


certain public places?!°. 


Tripoli's future as an Italian colony was discussed between three different parties: the army, 
the governor, and the Genio Civile engineer. Discussion between these parties ended with a 
conflict of interest. The motivations behind each of their plans were different. The engineer 
argued for the importance of respecting the old city and the local traditions in order to gain 
the suppott of the local elite; the governor argued for the importance of a new modern city 
that reflected the power and modern spirit of Italy, as the Romans once did before*"’. 
Architecture was treated as a political matter; “a master plan (piano regolatore generale PRG) is 


to be judged above all by the way in which it is managed". 


In Tripoli, architects were to express Italy's new identity as a colonizing nation, which was 
to go along with Italy's return to architectural glory ^". Colonial planning in Tripoli was 
meant to “Facilitate the precise art of distinguishing and dividing within the living space". 
The augment in defining the Fascist architecture is seen reflected on Tripoli's fabric. The In 
early years of the colony the Italians borrowed architecture styles from other North African 
colonies known as (Moorash), or Mediterranean Architecture. Italy's colonial architects 
called for all construction of the colony “must speak a very clear language. There should be 
no doubt about the character and civilization of the nation that has erected those buildings". 
This conflict will be seen in the following sections of this chapter as the present research 
continue to examine the Italian interventions in Tripoli both inside and outside the walls. 
However, as described in the earlier chapters of this research, the Ottoman fabric was not 
limited to the space inside the walled medina, it extended to cover the area outside the city 
walls. Therefore, though some literature refers to the Italian new city, it is more accurate to 


say that the Italians redeveloped the city outside the walls rather than founded it, as it will 


be explained further in this chapter. 


210 McLaren, 2006. p.65. 
211 Lafi and Bocquet, 2002. p.60. 
212 Percy Allum, "The politics of town planning in post-war Naples'. Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 8 (2003), p.500-527. 
213 Mia Fuller, "Building Power: Italy's Colonial Architecture and Urbanism, 1923-1940". Cultural Anthropology. 3 (1988). 
p.455-487. 
214 Thdl,. p.456. 

128 


4.3 Public space changes in Tripoli during the Italian colony 


4.3.1 Inner city developments: 
In order to advertise the new land, the Italians segregated the old city and developed a new 
(modern) one beside it. After studying the changes in the medina’s urban form in this 
research, it is concluded that the Italians limited their work in the walled city to five main 


^? developing the clock midan, 


public areas: reinforcing the medina’s main entrance 
reforming the Roman arch area and St Mary cathedral, and demolishing the west side of 
the medina wall. These changes were attempts to forge a path to connect the Italians 
directly to their places of interest in the medina with as little interaction as possible with 


the locals. The following section will examine each of these urban interventions separately, 


and evaluate their effect on the continuity of public spaces in the medina. 


4.3.1.1 Reinforcing the Italian entrance of the medina: 


The Italians first started separating the old city by defining the medina’s main entrance, 
constructing a new gate that was similar in shape to the old Ottoman gate, but much bigger 
in size. This physical separation of public spaces not only inhibited the movement of the 
locals, but also reinforced the idea of the inner/outer spaces. It was the first physical element 


that created a visual division of Tripoli’s public spaces. 


215 Which became the Italian entrance to the medina. 


129 


On the right side, the separation of the spaces to in and out of the medina. 


The Italians construction of the new gate. Source ‘Libyan Centre for archives and historical 


Figure 120 The Italians construction of the new gate. Source :Libyan Centre for archives and historical 


130 


These two separate paths were identified in the earlier chapter regarding Ottoman rule: one 
close to the castle for serving the ruling family and the other for the locals. These two paths 
are important as they connected the activities that take place outside the city walls, mainly in 
the bread market area, with those inside the walls. Due to the surrounding wall, these two 
paths provided the main access points (doors) to the old medina. When the Italians ceased 


the daily activities in the bread market, the locals stopped using these paths. 


cS Sie Ne, 


Figure 121 Photo of both gates in Tripoli the Ottoman on the left and the new Italian next to the castle on the 


right in early 1930. 


Figure 122 The separation of the old medina by building the new gate. 


131 


4.3.1.2 Developing the clock midan: 


The second Italian reform in the medina was the development of the clock maidan. The 
Italians reformed the public space previously known as the Camel Market by turning it to a 


hotel for Italian tourists and public figures. Along with the branch for Bank de Rome, and 


cafés to encourage social interactions between Italians in and around the new space. 


Figure 124 The camel market turned to an Italian hotel Figure 123 The Camel market during the Ottomans 


Before the Italians interventions After the Italian interventions, the 
the old camel market was one of space developed into an Italian LU 
the important public spaces in centre in the old city. The space was 
the medina. It connected the colonised and no longer served the 
trade area in the old city to the locals. It became a node in the old 
port. It was also a place for local city that accommodated a vatiety of 


celebrations and public activities and redirected traveling 


gatherings. paths around the old city. 


Figure 125 View for inside the spaces toward the new Italian gate. 


132 


The intention of visually reforming the space can be 
seen in the regenerated model and is reflected in the 
hotel design and location. The location of the hotel 
makes it visible from outside the medina’s new gate, 


to catch the attention of the people outside the walls. 


| ifr l = The shape of the hotel with its curved side and 
LE Tl 


semicircle dome acts a focus point in the space, 


leading on one side to the Bank de Roma and the 


coastline, and on the other to the trade market and the 


Figure 126 A new public spaces emerged between the new 
hotel and the castle named in later years the clock square. 


cafés. 


Figure 127 Generated Model of the Italian intervention. The hotel that replaced the camel market, [the hotel no 


longer exists as it was demolished during the Gaddafi era]. 


Figure 128 Section in the clock midan in Tripoli. 


4.3.1.3 The development of the Roman arch space: 


The Italians showed an interest in the arch from the early years of colonisation when they 
started freeing the arch from the urban context 1911-1912, but the public space was only 
developed in the later years of the colony. The plan for reforming the area had three stages: 


133 


first, separating the arch from its surroundings to make it a freestanding element again; 
second, developing a public space around the arch to make it visible from a distance” (this 


meant demolishing the surrounding urban fabric to open the space); and third, generating 


social activities in and around the space by adding cafés, hotels, and shops for Italians goods. 


Figure 129 The Roman atch during the Ottomans. The Italians separating the Roman arch from its surroundings. 


The Roman atch during the Italian colony. Source: Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli 


Before the Italian intervention the After the Italian intervention, a 
Roman arch was not just embedded new public space emerged in the 
in the urban fabric, but is all its old city. The Roman arch became \ wi a 
\ 
| i i — 8 
openings were closed to form a a freestanding landmark in the ———— 
e 


room, used as a shop and a dumping - spacc. This is still the case in p^ DG à 
E Naf N N 


4 \ iN 
ground for construction materials. Tripoli today. iN A \ 
A A 
Named (The Marble House). UN Ww 


Figure 130 The Italians avoided demolishing the Ottoman mosque though thou it is blocking the view of the arch 


space. Source: Libyan Centre for archives and historical studies. Tripoli 


216 For political reasons, the Italians could not demolish an Islamic building built during the Ottomans that obstructed the 
view of the arch from the seaside as shown in (fig.130). 


134 


As this research aims to examine the continuity of public spaces in Tripoli, the next 
question to be asked - considering the arch is located at the end of the medina: how did the 


Italians intend for this public space to be visited by the Italians? 


Figure 131 The area of the new Italian form 


The space that the Italians developed to connect the new Italian city with places of interest 
complies with their general idea of segregating the old city. Even though there were two 
existing clear paths, one being part of the Roman grid system, leading straight to the Roman 
arch (fig 132), and the other developed during Ottoman rule close to the castle, the Italians 
chose to avoid them because they both crossed through the old city. They decided to develop 


a new path to move (around) instead of (across) the medina to reach the arch. 


Figure 132 The existing two paths for the Roman area. 


135 


4.3.1.4 The foundation of St Mary cathedral space: 


The next space the Italians developed in the old medina is called today (St Mary Cathedral 
Midan). As mentioned in the earlier chapter the cathedral was built during the Ottomans to 
serve the slaves held in the non-Turkish prison. Besides being the only cathedral in the old 
city, the size and design" of the cathedral made it a place of interest for the Italians, as even 


though they have built a huge cathedral in their new urban city outside the medina walls, they 


still developed the old one. 


Figure 134 Photo of St Mary Cathedral. 


Source: Libyan Jihad Centre for Historical 


Studies Tripoli. 


Before the Italian 
intervention the cathedral 
served the Christian 
community in the walled 
city. The spatial connection 
of the building was limited, 
and there was less demand 
for the places. The streets 
wete narrow and there was 
no sense of direction 
towards to the cathedral 


After the Italian intervention, 
the building developed a new 
spatial connection that 
extended outside the medina 
walls. It was redeveloped to 
serve the Italian community 
outside the walls. The path to 
the Cathedral was widened and 
the streets were redeveloped to 
Italian standards. The old gate 
was renovated and expanded 
to become more welcoming 
fot the Italians users. 


Figure 133 The Italian interventions in 


the old city. 


4.3.1.5 The demolishing of the west wall: 


The final Italian intervention in the old medina was their decision to demolish the west side 
of the walls. This intervention was motivated by the belief that doing so would give the 
medina better growth potential by making the area outside the walls more accessible. 


However, by examining the maps it is evident that demolishing the walls was only successful 


in the physical sense, the sense of the walls as a bartier still exists. 


217 The cathedral was one of the first cathedrals to be built in North Africa that has a ringing bell. 


136 


The Italians replaced the wall with large building blocks that acted as a physical barrier, 
preventing direct access to/from the medina, and a visual barrier, hiding the medina from 
sight. The new blocks were arranged in such a manner that a new street was created for the 


locals to use without leaving the medina. 


Before the Italian intervention the walls surrounded the medina 


$ from the west side. These were Roman walls that separated the 
[A 

[4 

? 

e : : ] , 

$ medina from its surroundings; the only way to enter the medina 

A 

d f was through the main gates. 


n 


Mw 


After the Italians intervention, the Italians buildings acted as 
the old wall in restricted the movement in/out the medina to 
the main gates. The expansion of the gate to open the space 


to the Italians to walk to St Marry cathedral. 


Figure 135 Mapping the Italian interventions in the old city before and after demolishing part of the 
medina's wall. 


Source: Analysis based on data from The Survey Authority. Tripoli 


137 


To summarise, through a series of surgical interventions in the old medina, the Italians 
created their own spatial sequence to use when moving around the old city. By tracing these 
six interventions, the connection between them becomes evident. They all connect to make 
what the researcher calls the Circle of Interest, a path for the Italians that requires minimum 


interaction with the old form. 


The old medina 


The circle of interest path 


The circle of interest idea 


The circle of interest connecting the 


places of interest along the path 


Figure 136 The circle of interest connecting idea path and the places of interest 


138 


4.3.2. Outer city developments: 


The early 1920s was a pivotal moment in Italy’s history; the impact of the changes taking 
place echoed into Tripoli’s urban form. Mussolini became the Prime Minster of Italy in 
October 1922 marking the beginning of the National Fascist Party’s rule. Moreover, Italy 
declared the end of the war in the 1920s, and the process of encouraging the Italians to 
resettle in Tripoli began. 

Italy’s vision of Tripoli as a colony had changed: it became part of Mussolini’s vision of 
Italy’s fourth shore. Tripoli changed from being The Italian Colony to become The Italian 
Tripoli. This reflects a significant change in the Italian vision of the city, and the way 
architects approached public spaces. 

Since the Italian Fascists began the architecture and planning of Tripoli's public spaces have 
constantly changed due the changes in governors and their interest in the city and their 
allocated architects. This chapter will focus on the key governors that affected the evolution 
of public spaces in Tripoli during their time in power: Giuseppe Volpi (1921-1924), Emilio 
De Bono (1925-1928), and Balbo (1934-1940). 
4.3.2.1 Giuseppe Volpi (1920-1924) 


Giuseppe Volpi (1920-1924) 

Giuseppe Volpi was an Italian businessman; his politics and business interest were the 
foundation for his interventions in Tripoli’s urban form and social-economic life. Volpi's 
first increased Italian land ownership by announcing the unculttvated land in the city as part 
of the Italian public land. This stabilised the land price for future Italian investors, and also 


enhanced the colony's infrastructure?! 


. His efforts in gaining public land and constructing 
main roads made Italian Tripoli more appealing to future Italian investments. 

On the urban side, part of Volpi's main intervention was his proposal of a seafront boulevard 
(1922-1924). 'The proposed boulevard was comparable to those in other Italian cities, such 
as the Vittorio Emanuele promenade in Taranto. Tripol's boulevard was designed by 
Armando Brasini, a well-respected Roman architect known for his interest in Baroque 


architecture. The streets were designed to be wide, paved, and tree-lined. Even though the 


toad was built in later years (in 1935), it was named after the it founder governor Volpi ^". 


218 Brian L. McLaren, 'The Italian Colonial Appropriation of Indigenous North African Architecture in the 1930s', 
Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic World. 19 (2002), 164-192. 

219 Zeynep Celik, Diane Favro and Richard Ingersoll, Streets: Critical Perspectives on Public Space (University of California 
Press.1996) 


139 


Figure 137 Drawing of Volpi's proposed seafront boulevard. Source: Conforti, C. 1990220 


A " 


Figure 138 Volpi’s seafront boulevard Source LCAHS. Tripoli 


Volpi was also interested in the historical value of the colony; he called not just for the 
Roman sites to be protected and preserved but also the historic Islamic buildings, unlike any 
of his military predecessors. This decision meant that the protection given in 1912-1918 to 
preserve the Marcus Aurelius Roman arch in the medina expanded to cover the historic 
Islamic buildings that were built during Ottoman rule. The commission that he allocated to 
survey Tripoli and its wider context (Tripolitania) included “two Roman monuments, the 
ancient castle and walls of the old city, thirteen Muslim religious buildings, and twenty-four 


private residences ^^! 


. The data gathered from conducting this survey of the significant 
Islamic buildings provided the basis for future movements to incorporate indigenous 
architecture in the modern urban Italian fabric, as will be explained in later sections. 

As a businessman Volpi was also interested in Tripoli’s native artisanal industries. He 


encouraged and helped develop jewellery making, metalworking, and carpet weaving. He 


studied their present state and considered their potential expansion, and to further support 


220 Claudia Conforti, 'Armando Brasini's Architecture at Tripoli’. Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental 
Design Research Centre, (1990), p.48. <https://archnet.org/publications/3233>. 
221 McLaren, p.84. 


140 


these industries he also provided the financial help needed for raw materials, promoting and 
advertising their sale in Italy. These industries took place inside the medina walls and grew 
to occupy a wide area of the old market. Each industry expanded to form what today are 
known as the main three components of the trade centre in the medina walls: the gold 
market, the textile market, and the copper market. This is the main interactive, social and 


economic area in the medina today, connecting the medina to its wider urban context. 


a 


SS 


Figure 139 Tripoli's Local market. Redrawn by the author based on an urban survey. 
Source: Management of the historical cities authority 


The chief architect of Volpi's time, Armando Brasini, had no interest in implementing 
Tripoli’s local architecture”. Instead, he followed French and British footsteps in other 
ports in North Africa and used Moorish architecture, an architecture of arches, heavy 
decorations and domes. His famous example of work in this style is the Cassa Di Risparmio 
Della Tripoli, built in 1925. 

Even though this architecture is referred to as Mediterranean architecture, it was not known 
in Tripoli previously. Tripoli’s architecture during the Ottomans was simple, plain and 
functional in its form, so these buildings unintentionally became iconic for the locals of the 


Italian colony. 


222 Claudia Conforti, 'Armando Brasini's Architecture at Tripoli’. Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental 
Design Research Centre, Carucci Editore(1990), 46-55. 


141 


Banca de Roma. The building still standing in 
the medina today known as Libya’s central bank. 


Italian theatre. An Italian building outside the 
city walls. Used as a theatre, demolished during 
the second world war. 


An Italian Mosque. An Italian building 
outside the city walls. Used as a religious 
centre, it was demolished in the early 1980s 


by Gaddafi. 


An Italian Hotel. An Italian building outside the 
city walls. Used as a residence for the colony’s 
visitors, it was also demolished in the early 1980s 
by Gaddafi. But it was rebuilt in the same 
location but with different architecture. It is 
known today as the grand hotel. 


Figure 140 Examples of the Moorash Architecture in Tripoli. Photo. Source: The Management of the Historical 


Cities Authority. Tripoli 


142 


Armando Brasini claims that he redrew the master plan for Tripoli in 19217”, but no 
evidence has been found of a replacement of the former 1912 master plan. However, the 
governor Volpi exhibited that he understood the economical downfall of the previous 


master plan: 


'The essential principles of the master plan (piano regolatore) were hammered out during the 
winter of 1912. The most pressing problem faced by the planners was the need to halt 
speculation outside the city walls, not only because of the potential loss of economic control and 
the risk of ever-worsening housing shortage, but also because of public indignation. This first 
plan was completed in Rome, based on inadequate site data, and was sent to Tripoli. Its main 
purpose was to shape the ongoing growth of the new town, while leaving the original one nearly 


untouched.22+ 


The invasion occurred 1911 and throughout the 1920s construction took place across the 
city; it was not until 1935, however, that residential buildings appeared’. Even though 
Armando Brasini did not physically draw a master plan for Tripoli his selective urban 
interventions did. The locations of his main projects in Tripoli paved the way for both 
architects and governors of subsequent yeats in terms of the evolving shape of the city. His 
projects interpreted the governor's ideas and gave Tripoli a strong urban form that both 
separated and connected the old fabric with the new. 
Starting by examining the walk along the coastline: compared with that proposed in the 
former 1912 plan, it emphasised the public space outside the medina walls by pulling back 
the proposed path so that it partially intersected with the medina at the castle area, and 
passed through the medina along to the Ottoman clock tower and through the coast to the 
port as shown in the next figure. 
The difference between the coastline plan in 
4 the first master plan (on the right). And the 


actual coastline movement path implemented 


by the Italians. 


Figure 141 Diagram to compare the changes of flow of movement in the Italian plans. 


223 Conforti, 1990. p.46 

224 Mia Fuller, 2000. 'Preservation and self-absorption: Italian colonisation and the walled city of Tripoli, Libya’ 
The Journal of North African Studies. 5 (2000), p.121-154 

225 Fuller, 1988, p.487. 


143 


Alongside the waterside path, Brasini allocated a variety of public buildings that later became 
(a civic centre). Public buildings varied in their size and location, but all, importantly, 
reflected the Italians’ power. Designing these unique buildings on the waterfront was a 
means of conveying the sense of a new modern city to Italian visitors. The building, set back 
from the coastline, leave space for lines of palm trees that contrast sharply with the solid 


walls of the medina on the other side. This contrast balanced the division of space on the 


coastline. 


Figure 142 The location of the Castle on the coast line. Source the Management of the historical cities authority. 


Tripoli 


Figure 143 Tripoli’s cost line during the Italian colony, the soft and hard sides of the water edge 


In addition, the imposing, solid form of the castle softens the visual contrast between the 
old Ottoman fabric and the new Italian form. When comparing the overall height of the 
existing buildings inside the medina walls with the new Italian fabric, the castle dominates 
both fabrics. Even though the castle is older than the Ottoman buildings inside the medina, 
it acts as a central element, balancing between the new and the old, the high and the low, the 


small and the large, visually connecting the two fabrics. 


144 


Figure 144 The size of the castle compared to the old medina and the Italians new city. 


Volpi added another important building to the colony by designing Tripoli’s Palazzo del 
Governatore (the Governor's Palace). The architecture for this building was different to 
previous ones; Volpi chose Saul Meraviglia Mantegazza" as the architect for this project. 
The project had been approved in 1924 and was finished in 1931. The interest of this 
building to this research, even though it was located at a distance from the former Ottoman 
fabric (the research focus area), is that in later years this building became an important 
element in developing and connecting Tripoli’s wider spatial system, as will be explained 


further in this chapter. 


Figure 145 The location of Tripoli’s Governor 
Palace. Source the Management of the historical 


cities authority. 


226 Crachi, P. The new museum of Libya in the People's Palace in Tripoli, A History of a project (Gangemi Editore spa, 
2010) 


145 


The next project designed during Volpi’s governance, was another public building; Tripoli’s 


Cathedral of San Cuore Di Gesu (1923-1928). The cathedral was designed by Saffo Panteri, 


The cathedral of Tripoli was built for the Franciscan who was then the bishop of the Libyan 
capital city... the choices made in the design phase responded to the desire to underline the 
strength and ethnic autonomy of the Italian communities, which were large and socially and 
economically well integrated in to the local life in the city... the design choices for the cathedral 


church of Tripoli was made to emphasize the Italian style of monuments?" 


By mapping the location of the cathedral in regard to the old city and the other Italian 
buildings at that time, the cathedral was located far away on the path that links directly to the 
castle’s main gate, leaving open space for future urban expansion. With no urban buildings 


surrounding the cathedral, it stood in isolation until the Italians developed the square and 


the other buildings next to it in later years, as will be seen further in this section. 


Figure 146 Tripoli’s Cathedral of San Cuore Di Gesu (1923-1928). Location, construction and final building. 


Source: the Management of the historical cities authority. Tripoli 


The nature of the public space and its location made it a space explicitly for the Italians; a 


place located far from the reach of the locals, mainly used for social gatherings and public 


& FAQ 
A T. 
Prema nies Y y 109) 
` oe SS 


civil events. 


Figure 147 The relation between the Italian plaza | 


227 Ciranna Simonetta, Italian Architects: The Builders of Churches in the Capitals of the Mediterranean. Environmental 
Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre. 1.2 (1997) 96-103. 
<https://archnet.org/publications/3302> 


146 


the Cathedral plaza and the Governor palace. 


To summarise, the urban changes that took place in Tripoli under Volpi’s governance were 
largely economically and politically motivated. Various individual public buildings were 
developed, with varying functions. The arrangement of these new buildings formed the 
outline of the city, still intact today. Even though the buildings were separately built in 


different years, they connect physically and visually. 


Main public spaces under Volpi’s governance: 


- The Corniche along the coast 
- The foundation for the cathedral square. 
- Reinforcing the main water entrance 


Reforming the Roman arch 


Figure 148 Diagram of the important changes under Volpi's governance. 


4.3.2.2. Emilio De Bono (1925-1928) 


Emilio De Bono, a marshal and politician, was appointed by Mussolini to be the governor 
of Tripoli and its wider context (Tripolitania) in 1925. He used to serve as chief of police 


and commander of the Fascist militia. 


De Bono's policy sought to re-establish Italy's superiority and right to rule while respecting local 
customs and religion... As a counterpart to the programme of civil action, military action broadly 


conceived was designed to make the local inhabitants feel secure under Italian protection”. 


De Bono's main political interest as a governor of the colony was to encourage the 


resettlement of Italian families. He used different methods to increase the number of 


229 


migrants to the colony. He issued subsidies and added an additional credit^ to help attract 


228 Jon Gooch, 'Re-conquest and Suppression: Fascist Italy's Pacification of Libya and Ethiopia, 1922—39'. Journal of 
Strategic Studies, 28 (2005), 1005-1032. 
229 Ruth Ben-Ghiat and Mia Fuller, Italian Colonialism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005) 


147 


more colonists to visit and settle in Tripoli, but the numbers were still small. In 1926, he 
began advertising the colony for tourism. His first intervention to serve this purpose was to 
build Tripoli’s international fair”. 

The international fair was meant to serve the Italians in two ways: firstly, it would advertise 
the city to the Italians and attract visitors; secondly, it would remind the locals of the 


superiority of the Italians. 


The lack of ornament, and the total textural sterility, along with the monotonous rhythm of the 
solid-void relationship, are the distinctive dehumanizing external elements of otherwise shallow 


and unimpressive interiors?! 


The fair was designed to reflect Fascist architecture, and the resulting building stood out not 


only against the former Ottoman fabric but also against all the previous Italian buildings in 


the city. 


Figure 149 Entrance of Tripoli’s 
International fair designed by 
Limongelli, and a diagram of 


its location. Source: Fuller, 1988 


230 Ben-Ghiat and Fuller, p.157. 
231 A.C Antoniades, Italian architecture in Dodecanese: a preliminary assessment, Journal of Architectural Education, 
38(1984), p.18. 


148 


Due to the size of the fair site and the type of activities that will take place in it, the chosen 
location for the fair was far away from the centre as shown in the figure above. Even though 
the project was meant to be an attraction for tourist, the site had a weak link to the central 
public space of the city both physically and visually, as will be seen in the later analysis in 
this chapter, the site did not develop a new public space of its own, considering it the first 
public building in that area. 

During this time, new constructions were not limited to the central area next to the castle; 
more construction occurred outside the central zone. Tripoli’s Grand Prix, car formula race 


named as (Automobile Club di Tripoli in 1925 and opening theatres (Teatro Miramare 


Tripoli) in 1928, are part of the colony’s attempts to advertise Tripoli. 


Figure 150 Tripoli Grand Prix a car formula race. Source the Management of the historical cities authority. Tripoli 


Calls for Architectural and urban change: 


Not long after fascist architecture began to be created in Tripoli did architects announce 
their objections and demand change. Carlo Enrico Rava, a young Rationalist Italian architect, 


and member of the Group 7*”, confronted the users of fascist architecture”: 


... from our Libyan coasts to Capri, from the Amalfi coast to the Ligurian Riviera, all shows a 
minor architecture, ours and typically Latin, ageless yet very rational, made of white, flat cubes 
and large terraces, Mediterranean and solar, and this seems to show us the path where we might 
again find our most intimate essence of being "Italians. ' Our race, our lineage, our ancient and 
new civilization is Mediterranean: it is in this "Mediterranean spirit" that we should then look 
for the characteristic Italianate that is still lacking in our new rational architecture, as certainly 


this spirit guarantees the re-conquest of a primacy?*. 


232 A group of young Milanese architects called the Gruppo 7 in 1926 with the publication of a series of manifestoes in 
the journal Rassegna Italiana. 

233 Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Fascist Modernities: Italy, 1922-1945 (University of California Press, 2001) 

234 Brian McLaren, 'Carlo Enrico Rava, Mediterraneita and the Architecture of the Colonies in Africa '. Environmental 
Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre, 15 (1998), 73-160 


149 


In 1929, he stated in his article "We Must Respect the Character of Tripoli's Architecture" 
he named it “the Libyan Arab style” that is "naturally in tune with the climate and the 
country's characteristics". He maintains that they shouldn't ignore the existing architecture, 
which he refers to as Roman. Here, rational in terms of form meant “the clear expression of 
structure, strip and corner windows, continuous horizontal balconies or protruding slabs, 


99235 


the use of exposed concrete and extensive glazing" ^^, and in terms of function a “building's 


appropriateness for its purpose and its setting" ^^. 

By the end of the 1930s, additional calls came from different planners in the colony 
requesting a clear system of planning. Architect Giovanni Pellegrini asked for the city to be 
organised and well planned, in order to avoid irrational development. He considered that 
the colony city should be regulated, with clearly defined, grid-like master plans with broad, 
parallel arteries, centrally situated public buildings, zoned residential areas, and strategically 


57. It was the first time since the invasion that the 


placed parks, squares and fountains 
Italians started considering public spaces as being able to enhance the Italian new city instead 
of considering them as secondary to the construction of individual buildings. 

The calls from both the architects and planners got the attention of the governor, and the 
forces of urban development changed. Even though the focus continued to be to represent 
the power of the Italian colony and to advertise the city to tourists, more attention was given 
to planning and organising public spaces around them. In contrast to all former Italian 


buildings that had been built in the city by allocated architects, the public spaces were opened 


to design competitions. The first was held in late 1929 and the second in 1930. 


In September 1930, a competition was announced between Italian architects and planners 
for arrangement of (Piazza de Cathedral) in Tripoli?*. The call involves preparation of 
drawings: 
a) Construction of three buildings for civic use, with clear entrance to the existing 
streets, and a land to be used by the cathedral. 
b) A space reserved for Cathedral Square and the construction of a monumental 


fountain to be executed in the centre of the same square. 


Four projects were awarded, and by examining the comments on the projects it is evident 


how the Italians were looking at the public space, and what kind of image they wanted to 


235 McLaren, p.45. 

236 Krystyna von Henneberg, Imperial uncertainties: architectural syncretism and improvisation in fascist colonial Libya. 
Journal of Contemporary History, 31 (1996), 373-397, (p.379). 

237 Thid,. p.382. 

238 The building mentioned in previous section. 


150 


represent: “the theme proposed for the Piazza... [was] an appearance fit for a large modern 


"occ 


city", “an excessive stylistic adherence to the types of minor Mediterranean housing", “too 


great an emphasis on classical monumental styles." And the winning project was "pute in its 


"239 


Italic derivation 


Figure 151 Competition for the accommodation Cathedral Square of Tripoli: a side building central perspective 
and Central building (left to right). Source: Fuller 1988. 


Figure 152 Competition for the 
accommodation Cathedral Square of 
Tripoli: general plan. Detailed plans, and a 
diagram of its location in relation to the 
old medina 


239 Fuller, p.579. 


151 


The Cathedral plaza was significant as it was the first step in building a spatial system 
connecting the former Italian buildings. The plaza was the first Italian public space founded 


by and for the Italians, a place that had no origin in Tripoli’s previous history. 


The square in the Mediterranean tradition is a complex space, generally formed over time 
through changes and progressive adjustments. The construction of a new square represents the 
culmination of the city's project action, because it is at the same time a symbol of a 
community, a physical place of meeting and rest, space that must be central and accessible, but 


protected and concluded?^.[In Italian] 


As a public space, it is anchored to the cathedral, but nonetheless plays a central role in 


connecting the governance palace to the old city, as can be seen in the next diagram. 


The Italian pr 


Governor Palace 


Figure 153 The connection of the Cathedral plaza with the other space in the colony. 


Even though the cathedral was transformed to a mosque in 2007 to become the biggest 
mosque in Tripoli today, it did not fulfil the role of a grand mosque or a Friday mosque in 


Tripoli. 


A. Tripoli’s second master plan 1933: 


Tripoli developed its second Italian master plan 1931-1933, which included changes to both 
the old walled medina and the new Italian city. As Libya was a colony fully under the control 
of the military, in this plan the Italians intended to only develop non-military buildings i.e.: 


civic buildings, resident buildings, landscape projects. With legislation given directly from 


240 Marco Stigliano, Modernità d'esportazione Florestano Di Fausto e lo stile del costruire nei territori italiani d'oltremare 
(Polibapress, Arti Grafiche Favia, 2001) p114. [In Italian] 


152 


Rome, the order was to purchase the necessary plots for these buildings and sell the extra 
land that they gained during the former governances. 

The focus of the urban development in the early 1930s was to look at the city as a whole, 
not as isolated buildings anymore, with a clear acknowledgement of the importance of 
developing the spatial system for the city, including streets with different design and size, a 


clear building form, as well as the public space. 


In the master plan of the city drawn by Alpago-Novello, Cabiati and Ferrazza, a network of broad 
streets linking the business district with major monuments, parks and government buildings, and 
circumscribing native residential areas to the medina and the city's southern, industrial out-skirts 
formed Pellegrini's vision of social order and unity, represented in the idealized language of the 
drafting table, nothing could be more rational than the hundreds of drawings prepared by the 


regime's modernist architects, with their eerily unpopulated, radial streets and gleaming, 


241 
geometrically proportioned facades ^. 


4.3.2.3 Balbo (1934-1940) 


Balbo (1934-1940), the third influential Italian governor of Tripoli, was famously known in 
Italy as well as in Tripoli today. He is identified as the governor that fulfilled the Italian 
colonial vision. In the four years in his governance he managed to transfer 22,000 Italian 
settlers to colony. Balbo’s choice of architect and his heavy involvement in urban 
development affected Tripoli’s urban form dramatically. The unique designs of his allocated 
architect Florestano Di Fausto played an important role in bridging the gap between the old 


and new urban form. 


Libya under the governorship of Italo Balbo ranks as one of the fascist regime's most 
memorable feats of ‘demographic colonization’... Libya under Balbo provided a splendid 
confirmation of the regime's claim that the Italian empire in Africa was not conquered 'for the 


privileged few' but to give ‘proletarian Italy' at last 'an outlet for its exuberant life? 


Balbo's real fortune was that by the time of his governorship, the regime was less interested in 
the costs of colonization than in the prestige which the projects might reflect... The regime was 
finally realizing an old dream - cherished for years especially by Italy's minority of colonial 


enthusiasts - of creating population outlets under the Italian flag.?*? 


Balbo's main strength was his ability to understand and build upon his predecessors by 
further developing the colony and starting the tourist system. Balbo used all the former 


achievements that had taken place in Tripoli not only to encourage Italian migration but also 


241 Henneberg, p.391. 
242 Claudio G. Segré, 'Italo Balbo and the Colonization of Libya'. Journal of Contemporary History, 7 (1972), 141-155 
243 Segré, p.149. 


153 


to advertise Tripoli as a tourist destination. He continued developing the city’s infrastructure, 
roads and public services, and encouraged cruise operators to visit Libya. This effort led 
30,000 tourists to visit the colony in the first six months of Balbo’s governance. 
Balbo created and coordinated tourism by means of a wide spread of propaganda advertising 
tourist-related attractions. He developed and expanded Tripoli’s international fair, along 
with other activities such as the annual Grand Prix; he also introduced the annual air rally in 
1935. In order to maintain and strengthen the effective role of tourism in Tripoli he founded 
the first central authority to control all tourist-related activities. This authority was 
responsible for advertising the city to Italian tourists. This included the publication of La 
Libia, the first publication of Tripoli Trade fair, in March 1936. 
Tripoli’s urban form and public spaces became the centre of media attention when 
advertising the colony. The first description of the colony in the publication was written 
alongside Tripoli’s walled medina photo and the former Bread Market space. 

If at one time this immense territory may have merited being pejoratively called a, large sand box, today 


thanks to the provision of the fascist regime and the assiduous work of the colonizers, it has been amply 


reclaimed and cultivated 244 


Figure 154 Publication of La Libia 1936. 


The role of public spaces and elements of Tripoli’s urban fabric in advertising the city, 
through the Italian propaganda, grew more and more as the Tourist authority started to 


produce the journal Labia in March 1937. 


TRIPOLI 
= a 


Figure 155 Advertising posters of Tripoli's events. Source: pinterest.co.uk/pin/278730664421219781/ 


TRIPOLI 


244 McLaren, 2006. p.66. 
154 


Balbo incorporated previous Italian work in Tripoli into his contributions and reinstated the 
Italian’s first vision, Tripoli as a people colony (demographic colony). Given the fact that 
the Italians up until this time did not build enough accommodation in Tripoli to fit 
thousands of new settlers, his plans to transfer Italian settlers to Tripoli were formed entirely 
on agriculture bases. He advanced his success by maximising former establishments: he 
expanded the port to fit large boats, the rail system to transfer settlers to their remote 
locations, the industrial sector in the medina, and enhanced facilities in and out of the city 
(Le.: water supply and sanitation). 

The first Italians migrated to Tripoli in 1939. Balbo led the 20,000 settlers from the Italian 
coast to the port of Tripoli via Italian steamers. All 20,000 were gathered in Tripoli's castle 
square where Balbo greeted them, the families destined for the villages of Tripoli. Each 


settled family was given land and other state support, i.e.: a house and water from deep wells 


xx 


lO —— MH MÀ s — — i — A M 


Figure 157 The new settlers gathered in the plaza del Castelo. 


Source: Archival collection of the Library of Al-Saraia al-Hamra Museum, Tripoli, LUCE 


245 Segré. p51 
155 


* Main urban interventions under Balbo governance: As this was the time that the 
main focus was to advertise Tripoli to the Italians, it was also the time that Tripoli developed 
its civic centre and residential sector. Until now, the Italian influence had affected Tripoli's 
outer circle. The development of the centre didn’t take place until later years of the colony. 
The diverse colonial buildings with their unique architecture style still stand as landmarks in 
the city today. The following section will examine these buildings and their role in shaping 


public spaces in Tripoli. 


First, Palazzo del Banco di Roma, ot what was known as Piazza de Italia 1932-1934. This 


was initially designed by Limongelli with some changes made by Alpago Novello and Cabiati, 


following the death of the Roman architect”. 


Figure 158 The proposal of the Piazza Italia 1931. Source: McLaren. 


The Limongelli project planned to enclose the Italian square by building a intervention of 
two buildings. The intended use of these buildings as public institutions or semi-public 
institutions such as banks, insurance companies. The vision for the place was to become the 
administrative heart of the city; the offices on the ground and first floors of institutions, 
while residences were located on the upper floors management positions; while for other 


employees, they were dedicated residential complexes. 


Bank di Rome, the specialization of the urban corner was a design expedient that allowed to 


represent life at the palace and at the same time hierarchized one of the sides of the square. 


246 Mia Fuller, Moderns Abroad: Architecture, Cities and Italian Imperialism (Routledge, 2009) 
156 


The corner, completely covered with stone (a rarity in Italian architecture in Libya) was cut 
to 45 degrees and was surmounted by a white element decorated with local motifs?" [In 


Italian] 
The second important building was Palazzo dell INA” 


INA building in Piazza Castello in Tripoli. Designed by Tullio Rossi, a unique and compact 


block characterized as absolute modern in the form and in the functionality, but anchored 


to the tradition style. 


Figure 160 Italian Public buildings in Tripoli. 
Figure 159 The generated 3d model of the Italian buildings in the core Tripoli. 


Se. 
Mare ~ 


247 Stigliano, p.142. 
248 Thid,. p.154. 


1 Building block 


2 Walking paths 


3 Order of the space 


157 


Both these buildings with their unique design were an important element in supporting the 


physiacl continuity of Tripoli’s public spaces. The location and size and use of their arches 
developed a sense of sequence and draws a path to guide the users of the spaces both 
physically and visually. Even though at the time social interactions between people inside the 
walls (Arabs) and outside the walls (Italians) was limited, that changed in post colony years 


when the country gained its independency and both places were used by the Libyans. 
4.4 Public spaces continuity in Tripoli during the Italian colony 


4.4.1 The open spaces in Al-medina Tripoli 


Since the early days of Italian intervention in Tripoli, voices called for the new city to take a 
modern form: a form that would represent power and modernity. Through the investigation 
at the beginning of this chapter, it is clear that the Italian’s intervention in the old walled city 
was limited, and meant as an enhancement to the existing form. However, the open spaces 
outside the walls were their main interest. From early 1911 the Italians relocated the locals 
in order to keep control of the land price, and after the war ended they began developing 
these spaces. The public space became better-organised and defined with clear entry and exit 
points. Changes in the centre varied, from replacing existing Ottoman elements, to 
demolishing others. They also restricted movement in the new public spaces to the Italians 


and permitted local elites. 


158 


* Removing the water fountains 

During the Ottoman era Tripoli had four different 
water fountains. The Italians demolished two and 
replaced the other two with water fountains as urban 
ornaments. Even though they are both water elements 
for the urban space their purposes were different. 

In order to both promote the city to the people back 
in Italy, and demonstrate a sense of modernity in the 


colony, the Italians decided the new water fountain 


would be identical to Fontana d’Cavalli Marini, 


Fountain of the Sea Horses, in Rome. 


Figure 161 Left; The Ottoman Fountain in the bread market turned into Horses fountain in Piazza de Italia. 


Tripoli. Right: Fontana d’Cavalli Marini Italy. 


Figure 162 Left; Fountain in the weekly market turned into Right; fountain in Piazza in Tripoli. Source: Central 


Museum of al-Saraia al-Hamta. 


159 


* Removing the tomb 

During the Italian period, the Italians avoided demolishing any mosque or iconic tomb in 
ot around the medina. In order for them to convince the local elites to remove the tomb 
located outside the walls next to the main gate without incurring outrage from the 


Muslims, they offered to replace it with an Islamic complex that also contained both an 


Islamic school and a mosque. 


Removing the tomb opened the bread 
market visually to the waterfront, 
directly connecting it with the city 


water entrance 


TI2112217913733 


Figure 163 Hammoda tomb in the Ottoman time became mosque during the Italian colony in Tripoli 


160 


* Dividing the centre 

The centre had been divided since Ottoman times - one side 

for the locals and the other for the Ottoman royal family. i 

The Italian division was different. It used the division for Vous 
segregation purposes, but also as a way for zoning the public = 
space in the centre area. The Italians used the arrangement 

of building blocks to divide the space in the new city. Three 

main zones could be clearly identified: the Italian square, the 


Castelo square, and the old city entrance area. 


Figure 164 Analysis of the continuity of the spaces from out of the old medina. 


161 


e Dividing the centre 


The arrangement of the new Italian block created spaces intentionally designed to be off 
the main access path. 

Pockets of public spaces in the city, in the form of squares and plazas, were well designed 
and planned to serve the new colony. These spaces applied the colonial rule of 


segregation as they were set at a distance from the old city main gate, and were visually 


separated from the locals. 


| aT 


Figure 165 The Italian plaza in Tripoli 


102Z 


f 


T ien 


Figure 166 Left Tripoli's water entrance. Right the water entrance in Venice 


Dividing the centre 


The main connection between the water 
entrance and the new urban city relied 
heavily on the main street that crossed 
along the city next to the medina walls. It 
starts with the water gate, followed by 
Castelo squate, up to the Italian square 


and along to Tripoli’s trade fair. 


m 


Figure 167 Tripoli's water entrance and the Castle plaza. 


103 


Cathedral di Tripoli 1935, used as a 
mosque since 1980 and transformed 


to a mosque in 2007. 


Figure 168 Piazza Del Cathedral Tripoli; To emphasize the Italian the monument 


164 


4.4.2 The Markets in Al-medina Tripoli 


The medina market: 

After the Italians removed the market 
from the main central spaces and 
restrained the locals’ movements to 
inside the walls, all the trade activities 


moved to the streets inside the walls. 


"m 


'The trade activities inside the medina walls 


The Italians built a market for the 
Italians on the west side of the 
medina walls, to provide the Italians 
with daily fresh goods without the 


need to enter the medina. 


SA 


The trade flow of movement in the medina before and after the Italian intervention 


The trade area of the 
medina Tripoli before 
and after the Italian 
intervention 


West side of medina 


The location of the Italian market compared to the old Ottomans 


Figure 169 Removing the social activities from the bread market and its effect on the old medina. 


165 


4.4.3 The medina castline and port. 
Developing the water front 


The port lost its position within the medina as 
an entrance to the city. Even though the port 
was still the main means for the Italians to enter 
the city, it became less interesting space 
compared to its role during the Roman times, 


it became a transition space. 


The water front was divided into three sections, 


2» 
[/ 
with three points of entry: The old port, the TITTY 


entry point next to the bank, the castle 


entrance. 


Medina water side After the Italian 


Entry point next to the bank before the Italian Entry point next to the bank after the Italian 


Figure 170 Tripoli's cost line. Left: during the Ottomans. Right during the Italians 


166 


Tripoli’s coastline during the Italian colony. 


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The continuity of the coastline: 
along both the old medina and the new 
Italian colony. 

The transformation of the space and 
the urban surroundings reflected the 


Italian vision of a modern city. 


Figure 171 Tripoli’s water entrance and its continuity 
with the coastline. 


167 


The medina lost another big 
open space, known as the 
Tuesday Market, a place of 
social gathering for people not 
just in Tripoli, but for travellers 
and traders from all over Libya, 
as goods for this market varied 


and came across the desert. 


The Ottoman fountain in the | 
middle of the open market has 
been replaced with a Fountain 
of a naked lady caressing a 
gazelle. Surrounded with ring of 


palm trees 


In recent years, the statue 
became a controversial matter, I 
voices argue that the icon is 
offensive and against the 
Islamic rules, while others | 
thought of it as part of the 


medina history, that needs to be 


preserved. 

After the revolution matter 
taken in people’s hand, the city 
woke up to the loss of this 


historical artefact. 


Figure 172 Changes to the Ottoman fountain during the Italians and later years. 


168 


Arial view of the medina during 1930s, the formation of Tripoli’s urban core. The view shows 
the corniche, the replacement of the tomb, but the water fountain still not replaced as well as the 
path connecting the Castelo space with the Italian plaza still not opened yet. 


ag 


Arial view of the medina during 1930s, the formation of Tripoli's urban core. The view shows 
the corniche and its lines of trees (soft edge), the castle with its huge form (centre) the side water 
entrance and the Medina coastline (hard edge). It also shows the Ottoman radial system, the 
Ottoman clock tower. The view is prior to the building of the Bank di Roma next to the castle. 


Figure 173 Arial views of Tripoli at the late Italian colony. 


169 


Figure 174 Sequential photos taken during the walk through during the Italian colony Tripoli. 
170 


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naammmmn - 

H 

DHT LT » 
EIS TV 1 


nh 


à 2. MU IMA iii 
== mma 


Figure 175 Sections in Tripoli's core area and the Italian urban fabric 


Figure 176 The Video of the generated 3d visual walk 


** Please if you are reading a printout of the thesis, watch the video of 
the walk through in the attached CD. File named (Public spaces in 


Tripoli during the Italian colony). 


172 


"n = 


< 


V 


1 
Et. ^N 
7 P 


4.5 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the colonial time: 


1- continuity It is still a smooth journey when 
passing through public spaces in 
medina Tripoli, out of the city gate and 
across the urban development outside 
of the city. The building location, style 
and size compared to the castle are 
visually connected to the spaces inside 
the medina. The arcade that faces the 
old city is a main element of the 
physical and visual continuity between 


public spaces. Despite the Italian 


intention of segregating the old 
medina, both the physical and spatial 
form still provide a sense of continuity 


inside and outside the walls. 


2- Spatial From the Italian interventions and 
: lans for the n lon can see 
seicdal plans for the new colony, we 
T that there was a clear division between 
division 


the new Italian community and the 
rest of the locals. The Italians 
dominated spaces outside and around 
the medina walls. 


Separating spaces: first, a space for 


Italian use, paths to move around 
when using facilities located inside or 
close to the medina, the space is well 
maintained, connected directly to the 
port. 

The second, space meant for local 
people to move in and out of the 
walls. Spaces were tight, and no 
longer connected to the main daily 
market. 

A clear social disconnect between 
public spaces in / out of the medina 


walls. 


174 


3- Radial The connection between public spaces 
inside the city walls and the outside 
system y s 
area was divided into two spaces, one " 
called the Piazza Italia. This space acts KC m 
as a central node connecting the main x 9. 
streets of the new colony, however no : ` . 
| 
daily activities take place in it. ' 
'The second space is the Castelo piazza, i 
the space developed close to the Castle i ` 
that acts as an entrance to the new city. It 
is connected to the water entrance and the D 
pott. 
4 Space -The Italia Piazza 
Th Ben O ors 
P -Theatre 
activities VEL. 
-Hotels Wd cc 
m Marsus tese 
-Cafés and Bars na Teel beirant 
o o 
-Trade and retailers meses 
Bere Die 
-School " 
Cafhote gar 
-Mosque 
-Banks 
iabetu "arf 
-Tourist Oixed 
5Architecture | - Columns 
- Arches 


of the space. 


- Individual spaces with visual 
connections 


- High rise fabric 


Table 7 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the colonial time. 


175 


Chapter 5 
Public spaces and built environment of Tripoli post colony (1951-2011) 


5.1. Introduction 


This chapter is designed to cover the third and final time layer of this research, Tripoli as a 
post-colonial city (1951-2011). The research on this stage continues interpreting the 
underlying dynamics behind the growth and change of Tripoli’s urban form. Forces during 
this time varied significantly, including: The Second World War and its role in Libya’s 
independency, the discovery of oil, and the country’s economic and social changes. 
Furthermore, Muammar Gaddafi was a key figure in Tripoli’s post-colonial urban changes; 
he held certain ideologies: “at root, he never favoured, perhaps even feared, urbanism” ™’. 


He had a powerful impact on the form of public spaces in Tripoli by overruling Tripoli's 


planning agencies decisions, as will be fully explained later in this chapter. 


The chapter will be divided into three sections. Firstly, a historical research investigating the 
forces driving the evolution of Tripoli’s public spaces, from Tripoli’s independence up to the 
revolution (Arab Spring 2011). Maps, reports and documents published during the Gaddafi 
regime are important evidence in this research but need to be read critically; on the one hand, 
they show the intentions of the Gaddafi regime, on the other they are clearly informed by 
the messages of the regime. Examining the maps, formal documentations and reports written 
during this time enables, to an extent, the identification of important urban evidence (primary 
elements) in Tripoli’s post-colonial evolution, but also enables the comparison of these 


changes and their effect on the city's public spaces (i.e.: streets, squares, gates, markets). 


Section two is a morphological analysis examining the changes in the urban fabric and their 
effect on public space continuity in post-colonial Tripoli. The public spaces in the late post- 
colonial stage (in 2011) and the continuity of public spaces of the old medina and its 
immediate context will be investigated, morphologically and visually. However, the results of 
the morphological analysis will focus on the Gaddafi era (1969-2011), as most of the physical 


utban changes in the city took place undet his rule. 


249 Dennis Hardy, "The Spring of Hope, The Winter of Despair: an unfinished narrative of Mediterranean cities', Planning 
perspectives, 27 (2012), 417-437 


176 


Section three offers a comparison between the continuity of public spaces in the medina and 
its immediate context in Tripoli, both during and after the Italian colony. The chapter 
concludes by summarising the main forces that shaped public spaces in post-colonial Tripoli, 


and their general characteristics. 
5.2 Forces of evolution and change in Tripoli’s public spaces during the 


post colony. 


By studying the growth and change in the urban form of Tripoli during this era, three sets 
of time were clearly identified. The first falls between (1951-1969), when Tripoli gained 
independence from the Italian colony (referred to in this research as (Tripoli’s 
independence)); the second falls between (1969-2011), when Tripoli was under the Gaddafi 
regime, referred to as the Gaddafi era. Even though in both sets of time Tripoli is part of a 
self-governed country, the time periods have been separated for this research due to the 
differences in the scale of the urban changes, the types of change, and most importantly the 


forces behind the urban changes. 


5.2.1. Forces of growth and change during the Libya’s independence (1951—1968) 


5.2.1.1 The struggle of Libya’s independence: 

There were three main events that drove Tripoli’s urban growth and change during this 
period: the Second World War, Tripoli’s independence, and the discovery of oil in the 
country. Each of these events heralded changes in the political and economic landscape that 
either encouraged or prevented urban change in Tripoli. Each of these events and their role 


in shaping Tripoli will be explored in the following sections 


5.2.1.2 Second world war and the Late Italian Colony 1939 — 1945 


The Second World War forced the end of 30 years of Italian colonisation in Libya. Italy 
entered this war hoping to expand its colony to include all of North Africa and the 
Mediterranean region^", During WW2, the North African colonies, for both sides of the 
wat, were to “supply manpower and war materials to the war effort, as well as battlefields 


for a colonial war". Italian participation in the Second World War, fighting against the 


?50 By formed an agreement with the three Axis countries that promised Italy the Mediterranean region; while the German 
will dominate over Europe, and Japanese will dominate over East Asia and the Pacific 
251 [dres S. El-Hare, ' North Africa and the second world war ', in Africa and the second world war, (Bengazi: UN, 1985). p.27. 


177 


Allies*’, put Libya in a difficult and weak position: it was surrounded from both sides by the 
Allies’ colonies, located between the French colonies of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, and 
the British colony of Egypt. Battles took place all along the colony’s coastline. However, as 
it is not the purpose of this research to describe and analyse the complicated and dispersed 
military battles that took place, the research will be limited to analysing the effects of war as 


a force of growth and change on Tripoli’s urban form, specifically its public spaces. 


The Italian declaration of war against Britain in 1941 put Tripoli under war conditions. Italy 
started “a military build-up on the Libyan-Egyptian frontier, to launch an offensive against 
the British in Egypt” ^?, and in order to back up Mussolini’s defence of the African colonies, 
Adolf Hitler, the leader of the German Nazi party, formed a special troop to fight in North 
Africa named the Afrika Korps, sent it to Tripoli to join the Italian forces in North Africa. 
Even though the Italian-British fight did not take place in Tripoli, Tripoli’s public spaces 
during World War Two were militarised, mainly in order to demonstrate German power, 


and to transfer the troops to their battlefield. After the Afrika Korps arrived in Tripoli’s port 


they were transported to the East border. 


The German African legion (Afrika Korps) began arriving in Tripoli from Palermo, Sicily, on 10 
February 1941. On 20 March Rommel?* met Hitler in Berlin and both agreed to the launching 
of an offensive against the British [East of Libya] as soon as the German troops had all arrived 


in Tripoli.25 


Photographic evidence of the Afrika Korps landing in Tripoli’s port and marching across 
Tripoli’s Italian plaza, alongside the water entrance, displays how Tripoli’s spaces were 
militarised. Soldiers marched across the main roads; tanks landed in the port and drove out 
of the city. However, there is no indication in the research that the troops used spaces inside 


the old medina where the locals lived: they used the new Italian spaces outside the walls. 


252 Which included Britain, France, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, India, the Soviet Union, China and the United States 
of Ametica. 

253 E]-Hare, p.29. 

254 A German field marshal known by his enemy as The Desert's Fox 

Daniel Allen Butler, Field Marshal: The Life and Death of Erwin Rommel (Casemate, 2015) 

255 William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of tbe Third Reich (Simon and Schuster, 1962), p.29 


178 


Figure 177 Militarising public spaces in Tripoli during the WW2. Source: The Libyan Centre of Archives 
and Historical Studies 


Tripoli did not suffer urban damage during the war, the damage happened during the 
German’s retreat in 1943. After three years of fighting, the German and Italian troops lost 
the war in Cyrenaica and withdrew to Tripoli. They were then pushed out of Tripoli by the 
British. They left Tripoli after demolishing its harbour and some of the main facilities, such 
as the Telegraph system. In 1943 Tripoli fell under British administration. 
There the Eighth Army scored another victory over the Axis forces, which withdrew to Tripoli. 
Unable to hold on to Tripoli, Rommel evacuated it after demolishing its harbour and vital 


facilities. By 4 February 1943, the Axis forces were driven out of Libya. Thus, Mussolini's 
vaunted African Empire was no more: *°6 


256 Paolo Battistelli Pier, Afrikakorps Soldier 1941-43 (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2013), p.29 
179 


THE BOSTON SUNDAY GLOBE—MAY 9, 1943 


yt p UA ~ Js 
lS E uu 1] 
A yt E e ANS 


— Kanu. LE 
MAP STORY Of ALLIED INVASION OF NORTH AFRICA FROM INCEPTION TO DATE 


Figure 178 The WW2 map showing the British advance to Tripoli. 


5.2.1.3 Tripoli Independence: 


With all the horror and devastation, the Second World War brought to the world, however, it 
paved the way for independence in many countries. Firstly, it put an end to the Fascist regime 
in Italy, which led to the independence of Ethiopia, Libya, and Somaliland. Secondly, it weakened 
economically and militarily two major colonial countries, Britain and France. Thirdly, the war 
encouraged national movements in North Africa to renew their struggle against France and 


Britain, which culminated in the independence of the whole region from colonial rule?5. 


British control over Tripoli lasted for eight years; Libya was granted its independence in 1951. 
Libya's independence resulted from the formation of the United Nations and its declaration 
of the purposes of the WW2 war and addressing the countries independency after it ends. 
They specifically addressed “freedom of speech and religion...freedom from fear and 
want...[and] pledged that the Allies sought no lands or other gains from the war"^". 
Additionally, it “contained an affirmation of the right to popular self-determination which 


23259 


could be applied to the world outside of Europe 


WW2 ended with a clear division in Libya: the south of the country (Fezzan) was under the 


administration of the French, and the east (Cyrenaica) and west (Tripolitania) was under the 


257 Battistelli, p.35. 
258 Paul Collier, The Second World War (4): The Mediterranean 1940—1945 (Osprey Publishing, 2003), p.207. 
259 Thid,. p.208. 


180 


administration of the British. This division made independence a much harder process. The 


UN commissioner in Libya in 1950, Adrian Pelt, described Libya’s independence process: 


If there was a discord in Libya, there was more of it in the world outside And, paradoxically, 


Libya was put on the road of independence because international disagreement was greater than 


her own national disunity?60, 


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Figure 179 The three main regions in Libya. Source: St. John, R. 2011 


The discussion about Libya’s future was first raised by the Atlantic Charter in 1941, a 
declaration by the President of the United States Franklin D. Roosevelt and the British Prime 


Minister Winston Churchill. They made their positions on Libya clear: the US had interest in 


Tripoli; Britain was interested in Cyrenaica™'. Different options about Libya’s independence 


were discussed between the United States, France and Britain. The first option was to place 
Libya under the administration of an international trusteeship governed by Britain, France 
and Egypt. The second option, suggested in 1943, proposed that Cyrenaica was added to 
Egypt and Tripolitania to Tunisia. This option was dismissed due to fear that joining the 
Italians already in Tripoli with those in Tunisia would result in them being stronger than the 
French. The idea of Egypt's administration expanding to Cyrenaica was also dismissed. The 
final alternative was the establishment of a Jewish refuge in Libya; this was dismissed, as the 
Arab Libyans could not be convinced. Tripolitania worked its way, building and advancing 


it political national party" 


260 Ronald Bruce St John, Libya: from colony to revolution (Oneworld Publications, 2011) 
261 Tt was more interested in Cyrenaica. 


262 Tbid,. p.35. 
181 


A more serious agreement, the Bevin Swords Project, was arranged between the Italian 
Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza and the British Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin. This agreement 
suggested that Italy ran the administration of Tripoli, France administrated Fezzan, and 
Britain continued to administrate Cyrenaica. It was secretly agreed on and submitted to the 
UN for a vote on May 17, 1949. It required the approval of two-thirds of the 58 members 
present. A member of the Libyan delegation Dr. AZ Noureddine Al-Enizi succeeded in winning 
the support of the representative of the Haiti state, San Leu, and it was his voice that led to 


the collapse of this project”. 


International disagreement about the future of Libya forced the three Libyan regions into 
negotiation. The negotiation was organised and led by the United Nations Commissioner in 
Libya, Adrian Pelt“, and resulted in an agreement to apply a Federal government, under the 
crown of Sayyid Idres in 1950. In October 1951, the UN approved the constitution and 
declared the United Kingdom of Libya. Thus, Libya was the first African state to achieve 
independence, and it was also the first and only state created by the United Nations ^^. In 
recognition of the efforts of the UN Commissioner Adrian Pelt, Tripoli renamed its main 


boulevard, which had been formerly named after its founder Valpo (Valpo boulevard). 


Figure 180 Adrian Pelt avenue in Tripoli 1953 


263 To document this significant event Tripoli named a street after Haiti. The street's name still exists today even though 
the meaning is no longer known by the Libyans. 

264 UNESCO, Report of the mission to Libya (United Nation in Germany, 1952). 
<http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0005/000590/059048EB.pdf> 

265 Abdelatif Allous, The Historical Transformation of Civic Architecture: City Council Buildings and Urban Change in 
Tripoli, Libya (PhD Thesis in Architecture and Urban Design, Newcastle University, 2016) 


182 


Post-independence Libya suffered an economic downfall, due to different constrains on its 
growth. Revenue constraints, the absence of rain and the poor soil meant not much revenue 
was generated. Industry lacked raw materials, manpower, and capital. The country's (Tripoli) 
main revenue came from the trade of caster seeds, esparto grass for making paper, the trading 
of scrap metal remaining from WW2, and finally aid from other countries. Furthermore, the 
closure of most of the banks in Libya during the British administration, except for one 


(Barclays), made it difficult to manage trade. 


Another constraint limiting economic growth during the independence years was the wide 
spread of mines in Libya. Huge land and sea areas were planted with mines; 12 million mines 
planted across the country made expanding trade routes impossible through both the land 


and sea. 


Farmers and peasants fled to safe places and, consequently, a food crisis developed, resulting in 
mass starvation. Above all, the Italian government drafted able young Libyans to fight for its 


colonial adventure, and many were killed 


Lack of human resources, the high death rate due to poor healthcare, and limited overall 
growth continued until the discovery of oil. This led to a rapid change in the country's capital 
and revenue, which caused a dramatic change in the social and economical life of the Libyans, 


as will be explained further in this research. 


The discovery of oil in Libya became the main driving force behind economic growth 
changes in Tripoli. On 20" January 1958, a company named Esso discovered the first oil well 
in Libya; the size of the well was (500 barrel/day) and was considered by the company as 
insufficient for commercial production". In June the following year, six large fields were 
discovered by US oil companies. One of the big wells discovered provided 17,500 barrels a 
day, the others around 15,000 barrels a day. Drilling and oil discoveries continued between 
1960-1969 and oil production reached three billion barrels in 1963, with an average of 1.3 


million barrels a day*®. 


The following sections will analyse how these main events (the Second World War, 
independence, economical constraints, and the discovery of oil in the country) affected 


growth and change in Tripoli’s urban form and its public spaces. 


266 E]-Hareir,. p.34. 

267 Alshadli Edwik, Oi/ Dependency, Economic Diversification and Development a Case Study of Libya. (PhD thesis, University of 
Salford, School of the Built Environment. 2007) 

268 Thid,. p.74. 


183 


5.2.1.4 Urban forces driving the city’s the growth and change during the 
independence (1941—1968) 


Tripoli’s transition from a colonial city to part of the Libyan kingdom was a process that 
took three stages: Tripoli as a supply point for the Italian/German war on the British 1941- 
1943; the capture of the city, and the British administration 1943-1951; and, Tripoli as part 
of the Libyan kingdom 1951-1968. The intense military circumstances, and all the transitions 


post-war, are reflected in Tripoli’s public spaces. 


First, the researcher examined Tripoli’s physical urban fabric after the end of the war, to 
ascertain the damage of the war on Tripoli’s urban form. The scale of the physical damage 
in Tripol’s urban form was minor compared to the scale and intensity of WW2. As 
mentioned previously, the Italian-German forces took revenge during their retreat: they 
damaged the port and vital communication and supply services, as described by Idris El- 


Hate: 


... Tripoli experienced the same fate. Its harbour and its facilities were demolished, as well as 
other military installations, by the retreating Germans. Roads, bridges, power stations, water- 
supply facilities and even hospitals and schools were damaged or destroyed by the warring 


parties... The loss of human life and property during the Second World War is inestimable 26 


The limited destruction of Tripoli's colonial urban form is explained by the fact that fighting 
did not take place in Tripolitania. Through the (maps/photographic) analysis comparing 
Tripoli before and after the war, damage is mainly seen in three areas: the port, residential 


areas in the old medina, and Miramar Theatre 


'The morning of the 10th arrives we ate still here in Tripoli ... we manged to get to the lively 
part of Tripoli and found that this was not as badly ...damaged as the outskirts of the dock area 


which is shambles, although there wasn't much trading going on.?/? 


209 E]-Hareir, p.34 
270 R.H. Nicklin, From Civilian to Sailor WW2 1940 to 1946 (Author House UK, 2014) p.251 


184 


Figure 181 Photos of the damage of the residential area in the old medina. On the right, a captured 
frame from a video recording of plans booming Tripoli 


PF #80030: +01:14:20:08 


Figure 182 A frame of a recording video of booms landing on the port. 


Another main public building in Tripoli was lost due to the war, the Miramar Theatre; it 


was demolished during the bombing of the port on 12^ April 1943. 


Figure 183 Exterior and interior photos of the demolished building The Miramar theatre. 


185 


Paris Dd 


Figure 184 The Location of the theatre in relation to the castle and the waterfront. 


186 


Beside the physical changes, militarising public spaces in Tripoli during the war led to social- 
morphological changes. Through the research, some public spaces were identified as more 
militarised than others, by both the former Italian colony and the British administration. 
Spaces such as the Italian piazza, Castelo piazza and the corniche were heavily used for power 
demonstrations, proven by photo archives of the war, in contrast to other spaces such as the 
cathedral square and old medina spaces, where no evidence of their role in WW2 can be 


found. 


Spaces such as Castelo piazza were used for rallies during the war. Many commanders 
appeared in this space: Mussolini, Hitler, Churchill and other general commanders embraced 
this space as a political stage. The following diagram reveals the different levels of 


militarisation of Tripoli’s public spaces. 


Figure 186 The relation of the new space 


187 


Figure 187 Seance from the walk through the Castello plaza 


188 


Table 8 Tripoli’s public spaces during the WW2. 


WW2 


British 
administration 


Changes 

During the early stage of the 
war Tripoli became a supply 
point for the Italian war on the 
British (1941-1943). Tripoli’s 
public spaces were militarised 
and access to these spaces was 
restricted to military 
operations. The public spaces 
were divided into three main 
areas. 


From 1943 and during British 
administration of Tripoli, 
public spaces were used to 
demonstrate military power. 
Winston Churchill visited 
Tripoli and appeared in front of 
the castle. 


The Port 
The port area, limited to landing operations, 
as it was the only access to the city from sea, 
formed a direct line of supply connecting 
Tripoli to Italy. 


Streets 

Roads for escorting the landed 
Afrika Korps?” directing them 
to the only road connecting 
Tripoli to the east of the country 
through the desert. 


Squares 
Public squares and Maidens for military 
speeches and power display. 


271 Deutsche Afrika Korps arrive in Tripoli, <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XckkfS$z81XI> 


189 


5.2.1.5 Tripoli during the Independence time 1951. 


The UN’s approval of the suggested Libyan constitution and announcement of the country’s 
independency led to a series of celebrations across the city. The formal announcement by 
the new Libyan king Idris as-Senussi, took place first in Bengasi and later in Tripoli. The 
announcement was made from the town hall balcony to the Libyan people gathered in the 
Cathedral Square. Celebrations spread along Tripoli’s public spaces, main streets and squares. 
However, during the research the appearance/absence of some public spaces was notable. 
The celebrations across the city were not influenced by only those spaces that were 
militarised during the war, which could be interpreted as a step to empower the civil role of 


the new kingdom. 


Figure 188 Celebrations on Independence Day in Tripoli. 1951 


Libya’s independence promoted a sense of nationalism and identity, in part through 
developing a sense of belonging to Tripoli’s public spaces. After independence, the Libyan 
people were no longer restricted to using the spaces in the old medina; the Italian spaces in 
Tripoli were now accessible to all Libyans. Streets and squares were renamed after the 
country’s major events, connecting the country and people to these spaces and buildings and 
giving a sense of ownership and belonging. The spaces built by Italians, for Italians, and used 


exclusively by Italians during 35 years of Tripoli’s colonisation, were now for the Libyans. 


Renaming the streets emphasised their importance as part of the country’s evolution. The 
significance of this action was recognised by Gaddafi; he renamed all of Tripoli’s public 
spaces again to support his revolution, as will be explained later in this chapter. The following 


table summarises changes in the street names in Tripoli before and after independence. 


190 


Corso Vittorio Emanuele Independence Road 


Via Lombardia 24% December Road 
General Di Bono Al-balladya Road 
Biamonte Amt Bin al A'ss Road 
Italy Piazza Independency Square 
Cathedral square Algeria Square 


Table 9 Renaming the streets during independence from, A form of owning the space. 


Tripoli’s urban growth and development in the years after independence were restricted by 
the country’s post-war economic constraints. The need for immediate aid to support the new 
independent government forced it to enter into agreements with the United States, who 
provided financial aid in return for protecting/expanding military bases and interest in Libya. 
This limited aid was not sufficient to cover the development of Libya's three states 


(Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, Fezzan) ". 


Due to damages from WW2 in Cyrenaica its 
reconstruction was prioritised over Tripoli’s development. Thus, not much changed 
regarding Tripoli’s urban form and public spaces during 1951-1960 ??. This changed with 


the discovery of oil in the 1960s. 


With this new revenue, Libya worked to maximise economic growth, develop the country's 
key sectors, diversify production, distribute opportunities, reduce dependence on oil and 
encourage local industty. As a result of these policies the country recovered and no longer 
needed to depend on foreign aid. Economic growth continued", the population increased 


due to better health care and the country became more stable*” 


. The discovery of oil not 
only provided major new revenue for Libya, it also changed the social-cultural relations 


between the Libyans and the old medina Tripoli, as will be explained further in this chapter. 


Libyan's new government regulated Tripoli’s urban growth as part of the country’s wider 
social political process. The Ministry of Municipal Affairs, later named the Ministry of 
Interior Affairs, took over the responsibility of developing the region, including all its cities. 
The ministry started a two-stage process to develop Tripoli. Through a contract with 
(Whiting Associates International & Henningson, Durham & Richardson) in 1966, 
development was planned to take place on both national and regional levels, drawing an 


outline of the country's current condition (1964) and future opportunities (1988). 


272 St John, p.19. 

273 Villard, Henry Serrano, Libya, the new Arab kingdom of North Africa (Cornell University Press, 1956) 

274 Whiting Associates International, Tripoli Master Plan: Final Report (Rome: Henningson, Durham & Richardson, 1969) 
275 ]bid,. 


191 


The summary of their research and proposed plans for Tripoli were published as: Tripoli 


Master Plan: Final Report in November 1969, after the Gaddafi revolution. 


The proposal summarised Tripoli’s struggle to cope with the demands of economic growth 


between 1956 and 1964, due to lack of workers and the need for immigration: 


1- In the oil industry alone, the employability jumped from 300 in 1954 to 5400 in 
1964. It raised the number of employees in other sections also such as constructions 
and transportation. 

2- 'The rising demand for skilled workers, a gap that could not be filled by training 
programmes. 

3- The social-cultural constraints, young people were eager to attend school, the 
women were limited to household duties, and old men could no longer carry out 


long work. Tripoli faced a shortage in the work force. 


Tripoli faced a dramatic rise in rural-urban migration. The number of people living in Tripoli 
rose from 240,147 in 1954 to 379,925 in 1964, a growth rate of 58%. The continuing 
population increase in Tripoli led to the phenomenon of excessive urbanization”. 
Consequently, there was a decline in agricultural production due to both better payment 


opportunities in other working sectors and the risks presented by the widespread 


undiscovered mines planted during the Second World Wat. 


Furthermore, the plan argued for the special treatment of the old medina, seeking to conserve 
its utban fabric and renovate the west side of the city to enhance the medina, not to serve as 
a tourist destination but rather to preserve the social cultural diversity in Tripoli^". However, 
the plan identified the old medina as a place that offers cheap accommodation for people 
who cannot afford to live in the modern houses. In later years this proved problematic, it 
caused changes to the demography of the medina post-war. 'The medina in later years was 
abandoned by the Libyans and occupied by illegal immigrants seeking cheap housing, as will 


be explained further in this chapter ^^. 


The master plan also highlighted the importance of the city's coastline and the role of the 
sea in Tripoli’s future development. It highlighted the importance of preserving the open 


spaces and the corniche and restricted the construction of any high-rise buildings along the 


276 A problem that the country still suffers its consequences up till this day. Today 3 million people live in capital Tripoli 
alone (half of the country's population. 

271 Whiting Associates International, p.166. 

278 Henry Serrano Villard, Libya: The New Arab Kingdom of North Africa (New York: Cornell University Press Ithaca, 1956) 


192 


coastline. It also acknowledged that the busy activities of the port would add a uniqueness 


to the space. It also urged the protection of areas in the old city for future leisure activities. 


The plan also explained the importance of integrating the old medina with the Italian fabric. 
It suggested adding two roads to cross the old medina and connect it to its wider urban 
context. The two suggested paths inside the medina complied with the intersecting Roman 
street. It also proposed a new road to be added along the coast to support future demand on 


the inner streets. 


---- Streets planed 

ee + pia e 

/ Tripoli’s main spaces 
\ 

\ 

4 

\ 

! 

H À 

hoel” 

, 
/ 

>. 

ae OWN en 


Figure 189 Plan integrating the old madina with the Italian fabric. Source Tripoli Comprehensive Plan 1969 


To summarise, the main forces behind Tripoli’s growth and change included: military forces 
during WW2, damages in the old medina and the port, social-economical forces during the 
country’s independence process, and the new oil revenue which led to demographic changes 
in Tripoli. Furthermore, the country developed its first master plan to summarise the 
condition of Tripoli in 1964, and suggest future changes to shape the growth of Tripoli for 
the next 24 years (1964-1988). 


5.2.3. Forces of growth and change during the Gaddafi era (1969 till 2011) 


The major force which drove Tripoli’s urban growth and change during this time period was 
the revolution leader Muammar Gaddafi. Urban changes were either directed by him, or were 
the result of his intervention in urban policies. The changes in Tripoli’s urban form consisted 
of: the demolition of urban blocks (opening new spaces / expanding existing spaces), and 
the creation of new spaces in the city in the form of new urban developments. In the 
following sections, the research examines the urban changes that took place in Tripoli during 
the Gaddafi era (1969 - 2011) and seeks to understand how they affected the continuity of 
193 


public spaces in Tripoli. However, no definite answer can explain why these changes took 


place, the changes emerge randomly with no clear logical explanation. 


Regarding this time period, the researcher will first attempt to understand Muammar 
Gaddafi's ideology by studying his opinions on cities and urban spaces and also will explain 
the type of regime the city was under. This could, to an extent, provide some clarification of 
the urban changes in Tripoli. This is followed by an analysis of these changes, and how they 
affected public spaces in the city. The section ends with a summary of the main characteristics 


of public spaces in Tripoli during the Gaddafi era. 


Between 1960-1968, the Libyan Kingdom struggled to maintain stability; there were 
increasing signs of corruption and widespread disapproval of government performance, 
especially with foreign policy. Nationalism grew in the North African region (Arab region) 
and was echoed in Libya. Calls for Arab nationalism came from border countries, namely 
Egypt. Gamal Abdel Nasser succeeded in overthrowing the former king of Egypt (King 
Faruq) and established the RCC (Revolutionary Command Council), later becoming Egypt's 
formal president 1967. He supported anti-imperialism, Arab nationalism, and socialist 
domestic reforms; he gained solid supporters in most Arab countries, including Libya*”. In 
addition, the Arab-Israel fight in 1967 raised questions around the existence of the British 
and American military bases in Libya, and the fear of them being used against Arab countries 
during this war. The unclear answers from the Libyan government at this time caused a divide 
between the government policies and the Libyan people’s demands, paving the road for a 
military coup under Muammar Al Gaddafi in September 1969 to end King Idris’s monarchy 
and begin a new political era in Libya, a new tule that lasted for 42 years?" (1969 - 2011). 
Gaddafi personal life and believes: 


He was born in the Libyan central desert some fifty miles away from Sitr ... he was born in 1943 
of an illiterate Bedouin parents... a son of the desert, his childhood deeply affected his habits 


and personal life as an adult as well as his policies of his administration??!, 


Gaddafi’s dislike for urban cities was commonly explained by his Bedouin upbringing and 
the “tribal social values" which “strongly influenced him throughout his life””*’. He was 
raised and studied in Sabha. Because of his political views he was exiled with his family; he 
resettled in Misurata, a coastal city in Libya, before travelling to Benghazi to join the military 


academy. Though he was born and spent his childhood in the desert, his views towards 


279 St John, pp.113-114. 
280 Allous, p.241. 

281 St John, p. 110 

282 St John, p.114. 


194 


Tripoli’s urban form seem unjustified. Other contemporary leaders who were also raised in 
a tribal Bedouin context had different views on cities and modern urban form, i.e.: Zayed 
bin Sultan Al Nahyan, founder of United Arab Emirates, who in a visit to Tripoli in early 
1974to attend the opening of Tripoli’s 16" trade fair said that he wishes to live to see a day 


that United Arab Emirates would be modern like Tripoli ^9. 


Besides, his Bedouin social 
views did not stop him from firmly encouraging Libyans to the exile Libya and find a better 
life in Africa, he went to the extent of setting a fund to however marry an African nationality 
and leave Libya to start a new life in any African city. 

During an interview with the (Al Umran) journal in the early years of the revolution he said: 
“I hate the sea and the cities "^*^ he also believed that “the tent won over the Castle ?*, This 
feeling is clearly reflected in his decisions regarding changing Tripoli’s urban form, as will be 


seen later in this chapter. In Gaddafi’s own words, published in his translated book Escape to 


Hell and Other Stories 1998, he explains part of his ideology when it comes to cities: 


City life means panting as you chase after certain desires and unnecessary, yet necessary, luxuries. 
When we see these social sicknesses spread throughout the city, and laws passed to combat them, 
we ate not surprised. We do not believe that they will end, and that we will gain victory over 
them, for the nature of city life is thus, and these sicknesses are inevitable. The city is dizziness 
and nausea, madness and loss, fear of insanity, fear of confronting urban life and its urban 
problems. Leave this hell on earth, run quickly away. In complete happiness, go to the village 
and the countryside, where physical labour has meaning, necessity, usefulness, and is a pleasure 
besides. There, life is social, and human; families and tribes are close. There is stability and 


belief.296 


This extract summarises Gaddafi's views towards Tripoli (city) as a place rife with madness, 
dizziness and nausea. Gaddafi treated Tripoli as an outsider, he did not relate to its coastal 
location or to any of its long-standing historical buildings. The changes that took place in the 
city did not just affect the urban form of the colonial era, as a form of anti-colonialism or 
anti-imperialism, they went so far as demolishing Tripoli’s entire old city (old medina Tripoli). 
The following section of this chapter will examine in detail the urban changes that happened 
in Tripoli during Gaddafi’s regime. But in order to first understand how and in what 
conditions these changes took place, we need to shed light on the revolution as a political 


process and the way the country was running, and Gaddafi’s Third Universal Theory". 


283 Word spread during his visit. 

284 Bnat-Aleamarat Walbina, ‘Articles in Urbanization: Muammar Gaddafi, I hate cities". Architecture and construction, (2011). 
<http://www.bonah.org/ Q4! əsi Lit 31 iat! ja> 

285 [bid,. 

286 Muammar Gadaffi, Escape to Hell and Other Stories (Blake Publishing 1999), p.50 

287 After; Capitalism, Communism. a system that he invented in his opinion to best suit the Libyan culture. 


195 


5.2.3.1 Al Fatah Revolution 1969: 


For the interest of this research the analysis of the revolution will be limited to the policies 


and decision-making during the Gaddafi regime and their effect on Tripoli’s urban form. 


Young Gaddafi was a fervent admirer of Abd Al Nasir's revolutionary policies; he grew 
determined to copy the Egyptian revolution in Libya. In November 1969, he and 11 young 
generals led the revolution in Libya. Despite his nationalist ideology, in order to gain 
international support, the first revolutionary decree announced the protection of all foreign 


properties and interest in the country: 


We are pleased to assure our foreign brothers that their properties and lives are under the 
protection of the military force, and that this revolution is an internal matter not against any 


former international agreements. ?88 


After one month of revolution, the previous constitution and the ruling system (Kingdom) 
were dismissed and in December 1969 Gaddafi founded (The Revolutionary Command 
Council). The council protected the revolution and consisted of 12 of Gaddafi’s close 
generals who had helped lead the coup. The country was run by the RCC (The Revolutionary 
Command Council), as the supreme executive and legislative authority in Libya. The RCC 
(1969-1977) oversaw the planning and development of Libya, along with the waqif ministry, 
the ministry that managed the old medina and old Ottoman properties in Tripoli. Former 
contracts signed during the time of the Libyan Kingdom were respected and ongoing even 
after revolution, however as these deals and contracts took place in areas outside the limits 


of this research, they will not be discussed in this section. 


Due to rapid urban growth, the RCC issued building regulations similar to most Islamic 
countries on the height of the walls between houses, the placement of windows, the right of 
public spaces, and the rights of residential areas. The regulations also controlled the width of 
the streets, the size of the lots, and the usability of the land; such jurisdiction under Sharia 


was typical of early Islamic cities like Mecca, Medina". 


In 1973 Libya underwent a dramatic change in its political status: Gaddafi announced what 
he called the ‘Zuwarah Historic Speech’, a Cultural Revolution. This was to be a war against 
the elements of the classical state, which he described as retroactively. All laws were disrupted 
and the pursuit of whom Gaddafi called politically sick "enemies of the revolution" began. 
The five main points of this Cultural Revolution were: disabling all applicable laws, 


eliminating enemies of the revolution, declaring the cultural revolution, declaring the 


288 Revolutionary decree .1969 
289 1969. Revolutionary decree named (The first statement of the revolution of September). 


196 


administrative revolution and the elimination of bureaucracy, and declaring the Popular 
Revolution “All the laws that stand before us are dismissed" ^", Years later he formally 
abolished political and administrative functions while keeping the titles of the Head of State 
and Chief in Command for himself. The country's name changed from Libya to Al- 
Jamahiriya, a country ran by al-Lijan al-Shabiya (People's Committees). A witness to this 


event gave an indication of how rapid and unpredictable Gaddafi’s policies and actions were: 


I was watching the celebrations of Prophet Mohammed's birthday on state TV, suddenly the 
signal was interrupted by live broadcast of Gaddafi in Zuwarah, announcing his Cultural 


Revolution, I was shocked, I lost faith in his revolution at that same moment.?”! 


Urban changes, just as the political changes, in the city were sudden and with no former 


notice. 


The announcement of these changes caused uncertainty levels to rise. The Americans and 
most foreigners decided to leave the country, they sold their properties to the Libyans, to 
investors or to the people who were working with them at that time. Libyans owned 
properties in the Italian urban forms since the Italians left Libya during the WW2 (1942), 
residential buildings, shops, cafes, and other buildings in Tripoli. 


When Libya achieved independence after the Second World War, UN General Assembly 
Resolution 388 awarded Libya all property owned “directly or indirectly by the Italian state” 
but secured the property rights of individual Italian citizens. Italian farmers were allowed to 
purchase land that they had previously leased or farmed without title. Nevertheless, by 1964 
Italian owners had sold about 40 percent of the land that they had owned in Tripolitania in 


1942. 


However, Gaddafi founded a committee to regain the Italian properties and lands and 
redistribute them to supporters of his revolution. “It also quickly became clear that Qaddafi 
saw land, and indeed all private property, as a tool to build support for himself and to weaken 
his rivals", Demolishing all laws, political and administration functions, made him the 
person in charge of all development and change: his words came to be the country's new law 


and policy. 


This was the first step in replacing nationalism with his revolution: people were categorised 


as either revolutionary or patriotic (i.e.: a revolution enemy). The national identity of Libya 


290 Fawzi Abdelhamid, How Gaddafi rules Libya, (Alealam Aljadid Lilnashr Waltawzie,1988) [In Arabic] 

(Unknown), The Road to People’s Authority a Collection of Historical Speeches and Documents, (The Information Section The 
Peoples Committee for the Studies of the Socialits Peoples Libyan Arab Aljamahiriya,1978) 

21 Dr. El laffi. Libyan observer during the Gaddafi revolution 1969 and the Libyan revolution 2011. 

292 Mary Fitzgerald and Tarek Megerisi, Libya: Whose Land, Is It? Property Rights and Transition (London: Mayfair, 2015). p.5 


197 


was replaced with the revolution. The changes did not stop at the country’s name. The 
country’s flag was also changed, and changes were made to city names, so that they related 
to revolution events, i.e.: Zuwarah became The City of The Five Points, and Sbha became 
The City of The First Declaration. The Independent Square became the Green Square (the 
colour attached to the revolution); Independent Avenue became Amhamed Al-Maarif Street, 
named after one of the revolution generals”’. The 24^ December Street, named after the day 
the UN approved Libya’s constitution and granted its independence, became Al Fateh Street, 
after the name of his revolution, Adrian Pelt Avenue, in celebration of the UN commissioner 


who supported Libya's independence, was renamed the Municipality Street. 


In 1978 Gaddafi presented his plans for the Libyan state, in what he calls *The Green Book", 

declaring the abolition of personal property ownership in Libya, In his philosophy he argues 

that regardless of its owner, “the house is owned by its user", This striped many people of 

their rented properties in Tripoli, and eliminated the concept of house renting. The 

researcher has personal experience of this process, and witnessed two houses being taken 

from a neighbour and given to two generals. Gaddafi also said in his book that “the land is 
39295, 


no one's ownership" ^^; members of the researcher’s family were stripped of their land. These 


are just some of the controversial statements that found support in the revolutionary people. 


There was no place for opposition in Gaddafi's regime. Voices of opposition rose in different 
parts of the country; many young people who did not manage to flee the country were either 
imprisoned or executed. One of Gaddafi's executions of his oppositions took place on 7^ 
April in 1976 Tripoli’s University, school of engineering court, where many students of the 
univetsity were publicly hanged. That date became a national day that was celebrated every 
year. As another example, in Benghazi stadium, students were gathered to witness the public 
hanging of Mhammed Al Shweahdi. Moreover, in the entrance of the Benghazi hospital "5, 
staff arriving to the hospital found bodies hanged at the entrance; they were identified as 


enemies of the revolution. 


The executions were publicly aired on state TV: a direct message to everyone that there was 
no place for opposition. Public execution was not the only sentence: people's houses were 
demolished, all their property taken; families were forced to publicly announce on TV that 


297 


their son was a ttaitor who should be killed^'. The word ‘traitor’ had a broad definition that 


included a person who expressed an opinion or concern, publicly disagreed with any of the 


293 Which he then assassinated in a car accident. 

294 Gaddafi, p.5. 

295 Thid,. p.21. 

?96 Public hangings on the 7* of April. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eee]Fy0052Y> 
297 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=71zP2vXzZ1c 


198 


revolution policies, delayed applying any of the revolution decisions, or offered any form of 
critique. This explains why there was no opposition to the urban changes that took place in 


Tripoli. No matter who they were or what their level of expertise, individuals were afraid to 


argue or even question what was going on. 


Figure 190 Footage captured from state tv live broadcast of the incidents. Source 


https:/ /www.youtube.com/ watch?v-eeeJFy0052Y 


Figure 191 Footage captured from state tv live broadcast of the incidents. Source 


https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=71zP2yXzZ1c 


5.3 Public spaces changes in Tripoli during the post colony era. 


5.3.1 Tripoli’s physical urban changes: 
Changes in Tripoli’s public spaces during the Gaddafi regime were a result of “Chaos and 


"7? of his rule, they were not based on a clear vision. Even though a proposal 


improvisation 
of Tripoli’s future urban plan was ready in November 1969 and presented to him by A.F, he 
dismissed it by saying Tripoli does not need a plan. Changes in Tripoli were the result of 
Gaddafi’s direct intervention. The urban changes during this time took two forms: changes 
to Tripoli’s existing urban form (demolishing urban blocks, demolishing buildings and 
rebuilding them with the same name and for the same purpose but in a different architectural 
form), and new urban developments. In the following sections, the research will state the 


change and analyse the effect on the continuity of public spaces. This section will conclude 


with a summary of the evolution of public spaces in Tripoli. 


298 Ibrahim Gnouwa, Removal for the purpose of development or removal for the purpose of destruction, (2007) < http:/ /www.libya- 
watanona.com/letters/v2007a/v03sep7q.htm> 


199 


5.3.1.1 Changes to the existing Tripoli urban form 


Gaddafi attempted to separate Tripoli from the sea, by suggesting the reform of its corniche. 
Knowing that Gaddafi does not like the sea, it could be argued that the main reason for his 
reform was to avoid the sight of the sea when passing through Tripoli. His first suggestion 
was to build a wall along the sea, a wall that was planned to start from the military airport 


base and continue along the cost until it reached the castle””. 


/ Old Tripoli 
vA 


/ 


Figure 192 The proposed wall. Source google earth. 


In order to make it more applicable, he proposed the wall would be part of a Grand Mosque. 
He ultimately dismissed this proposal, not the idea, because his plans were not feasible, and 


he was discouraged by sound voices from his closest people". 


He then replaced the initial proposal with another that was designed to relocate Tripolt’s 
coastline, justifying the change as patt of expanding port activities. From an utban planning 
petspective, this justification is not convincing. The Libyan coast spreads across thousands 
of kilometres; with the country's strong economic position, a new port could have been easily 


built instead. Knowing that the city of Tripoli during the 1980s was burdened by traffic 


29 Bnat-Aleamarat Walbina. «http:/ /www.bonah.org/ 24ll-» SII. NSN ana 
300 Thid,. 


200 


congestion, the noise of the streets, and predicted future urban growth, another port was 


needed. 


The decision to reform the coast was not publicly announced or debated in advance. No 
questions were asked. The project was later explained as part of a process to upgrade the 
port, but it undermined Tripoli’s evolved urban form, as will be explained in the following 
sections. An observer of the event, Dr. Ahmed Ibrahim Faqih, describes it in Articles in 


Urbanization in 2011: 


'The people of Tripoli woke up one morning to find that barriers had gone up, blocking the sea 
site. The machinery, equipment and construction materials covered the land of the corniche. It 
took several years before the project ended. They then discovered that the coast of Tripoli had 
disappeared and the sea itself removed from its place, because he spent billions of dollars from 
the country's income in paving this sea and its distance from Tripoli in a desperate attempt to 
disengage Tripoli and its sea, the sea that was associated with it ever since the dawn of human 


history.?0! 


1-As a consequence of this urban change, Tripoli’s historical connection to the sea was lost. 
Relocating the coastline affected elements of Tripoli’s urban form, including the water 


entrance, the street view, and most importantly the old medina entrances, and the castle. 


By relocating the coastline Tripoli lost what was named in this research as the water entrance 
of the city, founded by the Ottomans"". Its importance was reinforced during Italian 
colonisation with the addition of the two columns and its protection was strongly advised at 
the time of independence. Furthermore, due to its location the water gate had a strong visual 
connection to the city main square, the castle and the old medina gate. It was a visual guide 
and an indication to the central public spaces of the city. Today the two columns have lost 


their meaning; they stand unnoticed and unrecognisable. 


9? Explained in chapter 4 during the Ottoman times 


201 


LES 


i 

A 
. 
e 
e 
e 
hd 
I 


Figure 193 Tripoli changes to the water connection. 


202 


2- Tripoli, as explained in chapter 5, developed a strong visual sense. The coastline was 
divided: a soft edge (the lines of palm trees), and a hard edge (the old medina fabric), where 
the castle stands in the middle along with the water entrance. That sense is now gone; the 


trees still stand in the city but their impact is lost. 


Figure 195 Relocating the coastline and the change to the city water front. Tripoli. 


203 


3-The third effect of this intervention in Tripoli was the resulting isolation of the old city 
from its urban context, by disconnecting the old medina main entrances from the main paths. 
The plan developed for Tripoli during independence highlighted the importance of 
developing a path to encourage the flow of movement across the old medina. Gaddafi 
changed the coastline and developed a new road that passed around the old city without 
taking into an account the old medina entrances. Throughout his time the castle and its 
surrounding context were restricted to people with permission to enter, thus they were 


separated from the public. 


ee ar Ur ad. 


Figure 196 Before and after the cost relocation in Tripoli. 


204 


4-The developed road along the coastline affected the Roman arch square, separating the 


arch space and the old medina from the corniche. 


5-A road was built that crossed behind the old city, where the Italian rail track used to be. 
The suggested project created new accessibility for vehicles that didn’t need to pass through 
the Green Square anymore; they could now travel along the coastline. In part of its design it 
matches the Italian’s first plan, separating the old medina from the main city access. The 
developed road was designed with no attention to the medina main gates; it blocked the 


medina side entrances and separated it from activities outside the walls. 


Figure 197 The effects of the urban 
growth on the old medina entrances 


ES 


6-Separating the castle from the water damaged its structure. Recent studies concluded that 


the Roman cement is made in a way that the salt water is a key component for stability 


The Romans made concrete by mixing lime and volcanic rock to form a mortar. To build 
underwater structures, this mortar and volcanic tuff were packed into wooden forms. The 
seawater then triggered a chemical reaction, through which water molecules hydrated the lime 


and reacted with the ash to cement everything together?05, 


The castle foundations had to be in direct contact with salt water in order to be strong. 
Separating the castle from the sea resulted in the weakening of the castle foundations. In 
later years, the seawater was returned to the castle foundations in the form of a pond. Visually 


the pond connects Tripoli to its history. 


303 Sarah Pruitt, The Secrets of Ancient Roman Concrete. History Stories, (2013) < http:/ /www.history.com/news/the- 
secrets-of-ancient-roman-concrete> 


205 


Ahad i yadi plat GE Ul pall plat aul as 


Figure 198 The before and after the lake was built in Tripoli. Source: Mudunuh 'Amwaj Albahr 


7- The acquired land was recently developed into a huge open park in the city. The size and 
location of the park affected the historical spaces in Tripoli, namely Green Square and the 
old medina. The park is weakly connected to the historical urban context; its location and 
design doesn’t link to the main access and paths of movement. The park is surrounded by 
road: it became another roundabout that inhibits pedestrian movement into other spaces, 


i.e.: crossing to the corniche. 


206 


5.3.1.2 Changes due to demolishing Tripoli’s urban buildings and blocks: 


The demolishing of Tripoli’s building blocks occurred in the 1980s with no explanation 
given. Starting inside the medina walls with the Italian hotel. Publicly it was announced that 
the demolishing of this building was the result of safety concerns, due to its location next to 


the central bank. However, this explanation does not justify demolishing a historical and 


unique building in the old medina. The space created by demolishing this building became a 


court to the mosque. 


Figure 199 Before and after the hotel was demolished in old medina Tripoli. 


Demolition continued outside the medina walls, in the Italian urban fabric. The next to be 
demolished was Hammoda Mosque, the mosque mentioned in chapter 5, which had been 
built by the Italians as a compromise to replace Hammoda Tomb. A witness to the event 
remembers; we woke up on the loud sound of buildings falling, later we discovered that the 
mosque, the tomb and the Islamic library were gone. Again, no clear justification was given 


to explain why this building and its component were demolished. 


The fact that the building demolished was a mosque opposes the idea that this action was 
driven by Gaddafi’ Bedouin ideology, as in Islam, as well as in Libyan culture, demolishing 


mosques was prohibited. 


207 


Figure 200 Demolishing Hammoda mosque in Tripoli. Source: Millecartolin 


The Council of Ministers Office, or what was known as the General People's Committee, 
was also demolished. The building was built during the Italian colony. The building was 
considered “the nicest building of Tripoli”. The building underwent expansive renovations 
that cost millions of dollars. It was then equipped with the latest air conditioning and 
introduced to modern technology, water and electricity services. Then the building was 
demolished, with everything inside: furniture, computers, the stores, binders and files, 
shelves of books, references and documents. Dr.Ahmed Al Fakeeh describes the brutality 


of this unexplained action: 


208 


The governor gave order for the machines to creep and demolish it, and carry out its mission 
without warnings to anyone, and early in the morning when there was no one is in this place, the 
guardians who left the building to these mechanisms, the building was destroyed, including the 
devices and what is in it from the computer system the air conditioning and the various offices, 
documents and stores, and the walls of thousands of years old and paintings of precious mosaic 
is priceless, all turned into ruins in a limited number of hours, amid the expressions of a number 
of people, including secretaries of the people. The place stood helpless to do anything other than 


cry over this cultural landmark of the capital, which turned into pile of dust. 


I repeat, he did not even cost himself to give orders before the demolition, the building that it 
should be vacated... He demolished this great building ... His orders were that the demolition of 


the building with all its contents and without saving not one of its recent placed document.* 


This building had been the headquarters of the Italian Real Estate Bank, the bank responsible for funding 
reconstruction projects in Libya during the Italian occupation. The building was decorated with mosaic 
paintings and murals from the museums of Libya; this was maintained and protected after Italian colonisation 
as it was considered artistic heritage. The building contained libraries and archives with state documents and 
files of its employees. The fact that the building was renovated before it was demolished eliminates the idea 


that the demolition was due to the poor conditions of the building. 


Figure 201 The Italian bank in Tripoli. 


304 A] Fakeeh., A. 2011. Mummer Al Gaddafi: I hate cities. Cairo. Cairo Newspaper. 
[in Arabic] 
209 


A further building blocks were removed from the Italian urban fabric. The demolition of 
these urban blocks had a significant effect on Tripoli's central spaces. First, the former Italian 
square was expanded to include Castelo Square, forming one huge space. Second, these two 
buildings had been initially designed and located in a way that guided and directed the flow 
of movement to and from the old city. Third, by demolishing these buildings, a visual gap 
between the old medina and its urban context was created. The square became a roundabout, 


separating the urban fabric of the old medina from its urban surroundings. 


Figure 202 Changes in the core space in Tripoli. Before and after the demolishing of urban blocks 


5.3.1.3 The changes due demolishing and rebuilding buildings 


At this time in Tripoli, many buildings were demolished and rebuilt in the same place for the 
same use with the same name. With no clear explanation, hotel buildings were demolished 
and rebuilt in the same place. The following table contains the most important demolished 
buildings and their replacements in Tripoli. The idea that the demolition of these building 
took place in order to replace them with larger buildings due to high demands 1s questionable, 
considering that the city lost other hotels and residential buildings in the old medina and the 


Italian urban centre. 


210 


“The Albergo Del Mahari...The flat roof of the white 
stucco hotel was highlighted in front with a dome situated 
upon two pentagon-shaped, windowed bays. Just under the 
dome was a high bay accented with a multi-paned, oval 
window on each of its five sides; under it was a flatter and 
wider bay with opaque, rectangular glass-block windows on 
each section. ... we were led under a portico and through 
the hotel's glass double doors into a spacious marble-tiled 
lobby. Each side of the five-sided lobby faced a different 
courtyard; the center of each courtyard contained either a 
fountain or a small, rectangular pool. Vines covered the 
courtyard walls; small trees, many of them poinsettias, 
dotted the space and surrounded several benches... our 


suite faced the courtyard garden. It was like an enchanting 


scene from Arabian Nights” 
iE WAS - nc 
Figure 203 Building that were 


demolished and 
rebuild in Tripoli. 


The demolitions did not stop with the colonial Italian urban fabric, the demolition of the 
entite old medina was proposed. Even though the plan was introduced as a type of 
enhancement of the old city, due its narrow streets, previous interventions of the regime did 
not give confidence in the given reason behind the interventions. Moreover, the old medina 


was in a state that needed restoration, and could not survive such an intervention, 


The ancient city of Tripoli is a cultural vessel for all mankind and has archaeological features 


and areas protected by UNESCO itself. The reason given for demolition was that the narrow 


305 Bnat-Aleamarat. 2011. 


211 


alleys made it impossible to deliver services such as ambulances and therefore the narrow 
streets needed to be expanded. The argument was proven to be an excuse. Due to negligence 
the city had emptied of its population, the alleys did not need expanding, and rather the 
restoration of houses and monuments was required. Despite the weakness of his argument, 


the demolition began. 


However, the intellectuals of Libya fought the plan by spreading their worries and concerns 
through a local newspaper called Al-Isboa Al-Thaqaty [in Arabic]. The demolition stopped 
after demonstrations gained local and international attention. Gaddafi then claimed that the 
goal was not the demolition but the development of the old city, the specialists told him that 


what is needed is not development, but maintenance and restoration*. 


A division was created in 1984, called the Old City Management, with the aim of reviving 
the city's historical and cultural heritage. They extrapolated and corrected the history of the 
city through what could be obtained from documents and historical and technical 
information. They maintained and restored the city so that it was functionally valid as a 
cultural, scientific, economic and residential centre and in keeping with the contemporary 


demands of society. 


Fowziya Shalabi, a close supporter of the regime, headed the division. She remained in this 
role until the Libyan revolution that overthrew Gaddafi in 2011. Critiques were recently 
raised on the way the division handled the medina, as it enhanced the state of erosion and 


disintegration of its features without a real effort to restore and reform. 


5.3.2 Urban changes and Tripoli’s social life: 


The discovery of oil in Libya raised the problem of illegal immigration in Tripoli. The country 
depended heavily on foreign workers and their experience in many of its development 


3°7 With weak borders and non- 


projects, but it also was in need of low-skilled workers 
sufficient documentation, illegal immigrants arrived in Tripoli from border countries, and 
rapidly boosted Libya’s population from 100,000 in 1959 to one million in the 1980s. This 
problem continued throughout the Gaddafi regime. Ramadan Belagsem (2005), a Libyan 


utban researcher, investigated the effects of illegal migrants on the social-economical side of 


the old media Tripoli. 


306 Rammadan Belgasem, ' Illegal Immigrants and Housing: The Case of the Old City of Tripoli ', in Transforming Housing 
Environments through Design September 27-30. (Pretoria: South Africa, 2005). p.5 
<https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/10360/Megal%20Immigrants%20and%20Housing.pdf;sequence=1 
> 


212 


Belagsem’s research explained the continuing damaging effect of illegal immigration on the 
old medina. At the time of the country’s highest economic growth, the old medina was 
abandoned by the residents. In later years it suffered “overcrowding, absence of maintenance 
work, and changes in its architectural characteristics” ** due to the number of illegal 


immigrants living in it. 


The old city’s residents who sought “better” living in suburbia and other areas outside the old 
city abandoned their houses to “illegal” immigrants who came to the country looking for work 
and better earnings. These immigrants found in the houses of the old city a cheap, if not free, 
accommodation. Few of them were paying rents or utilities. Moreover, they inhabited the old 
city houses in large households. Many dwellings housed more than one family. The old city is 
facing great challenges; overcrowding, deteriorating buildings, and lack of adequate infra- 


structures are some examples.>” 


He states the areas where illegal immigrants are mostly concentrated as 5, 7, 8, 10, 11. 


Figure 204 The division of the medina based on immigration. Source: Belgasim, 2005. 


Another reason for the abandonment of the old city was Gaddafi’s decision to exile the 
Jewish from Libya. During which were living or owned a house in the Jewish community in 
the old medina, the west side area of in the medina (further detail mentioned in chapter 4). 
For the interest of this research, the problem of illegal immigration resulted in the formation 
of social segregation and discontinuity in the old medina, separating it from its wider urban 


context. 


With a reputation for overcrowding and low-paid illegal migrants, the medina came to be 
thought of as a slum, which furthered social segregation. Interactions between the 


inner/outer spaces of the medina were mainly limited to the trade area. The situation in 


308 Belgasem, p.5 
99 Tbid,. p.7. 


213 


Tripoli at this time was reminiscent of the Italian colony, the same role with different actors: 
the Libyans preferred to live in the modern part of the city, the Italians buildings, while the 
illegal immigrants occupied the old medina. The Libyans, however, had no interest in the 
Roman arch area, or the St Mary Church, so they didn’t need to travel through the old medina 
any more. Their circle of interest was limited to the west parts of the old city, including the 


Grand Mosque and the trade area and gold market close to the medina gate. 


The urban interventions affected the usability of public spaces in Tripoli. The square became 
one huge open central space, a revolutionary space to accommodate Gaddafi’s public 
speeches and celebrations. It was also the place designated to celebrate the 7^ April (the 
public hanging of the university students). It was a space used to demonstrate the regime’s 
power. 

Photos of the revolution leader were posted around public spaces as a political declaration 
of his seeming omnipotence. The spaces were heavily monitored by CCTV, and occupied 
with Gaddafi’s undercover agents. The researcher has personal experience of interacting 
with such an agent. In 2001, when carrying out university research and taking photos of the 
square, the researcher was approached by an agent and had to ask for permission to take 


photos of the space. 


Figure 205 Tripoli’s public spaces and the demonstration of political power. 


214 


In summary, public spaces in Tripoli expanded rapidly between 1970s and the 1980s, with 
no particular vision or an explained design. The changes resulted in expansive spaces: three 
huge roundabouts; the Green Square; the park and the space for the pond; and, the linear 
space of the corniche. These spaces lacked a sense of guidance, orientation, and 


connectivity with the old medina. Evaluating the level of comfort, safety, and belonging 


within these spaces could be a possible direction of future research. 


A google map and an Arial of Tripoli historical core centre in 2011 


Figure 206 A google map and an Arial of Tripoli historical core centre in 2011. Source Najaa photography 
collection. 


- > z z ee 
Jajaa ale oe 


graphyarat amm SA 
Th 


The new developments further isolated the old medina from its surrounding urban context. 
Blocking the medina entrances, separating it from the Italian urban context, redirecting the 
flow of movement away from the old city: the medina shrunk, leaving only really the trade 
area still active. A survey of people either living in or working close to the old medina 
revealed they had never even heard of the Roman arch. In the researcher’s personal 
experience, it would be possible to visit Tripoli and pass by the medina, remaining unaware 


that such a medina even existed. 


216 


5.4 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the post-colonial time: 


1- continuity | After conducting the walk, we can DA 
notice that when passing through [Ry fp IN 


public spaces in medina Tripoli, |A 


out of the city gate and across the 
urban development outside of the |! 
city it is a continuance process. 
The space separating the medina 
gate from the urban fabric is huge, 
and there is no longer a sense 
guidance to where to go. 
Despite the independence the old 
medina is more isolated both 
physical and spatial form the 
urban fabric. The visual 
continuity inside and outside the 


walls no longer exists. 


2- Spatial Now that the Italians left the 
social colony, the Italians dominated 
spaces outside and around the 


division 
medina walls became for the 
Libyans. Both the old medina and 
the Italian fabric are owned used 
by the Libyans. 


Separating spaces; the separation 


of the spaces due to Gaddafi 


intervention in Tripolis urban 
from. Isolated the old medina and 
by time it turned into a slum. 
The space did not regain its social 
economical, activities, as part of 
the od medina market, it became 
a space for political statements. 
A clear social disconnect between 
public spaces in / out of the 
medina walls. 
3- Radial The connection between public 
system spaces inside the city walls and the 
outside area is no longer divided, 
the Piazza Italia; and the Castelo 


piazza, have been combined in 


one spaces. 


217 


The water entrance has been 
eliminated. The radial system is 
still the dominant form in the city, 
however the center of the radial 
lost its shape, scale, architecture 
features, and guidance. The 
streets ate joined together with a 


roundabout. 


4Space -Hotels 
activities -Cafés 
-Trade and retailers 
-School 

-Banks 


-Tourist 


5Architecture | - Columns 


of the space. -One central spaces with limited 


visual connections. 


- High rise fabric 


Table 10 Summary of Stimulation study part 2 Tripoli in the post-colonial time. 


218 


Chapter 6 


The Generated 3d models 


6.1 Introduction 


One of the aims of this research is to test an original methodology. By combining the 
knowledge obtained through historical research with the knowledge generated by simulation 
research, the aim was to expand the understanding of the evolution of urban space in a city. 
The 3D model enables the researcher to virtually walk in and around the space in different 
sets of time, thus offering a more sensory experience through which to examine changes that 
occurred across history. This chapter will explain the experiment: the origin of the idea, its 


strengths and weaknesses, and the uniqueness of this modelling technique. 


The researcher’s interest in photography and experience in photo editing and 3D modelling 
benefitted the research project. Tripoli was a perfect case to test modelling; the urban 
changes are well-documented photographically for the earliest set of time covered in this 
research. In fact, the photo archive of Tripoli is much larger and better preserved than other 
data relating to the city’s evolution. This is mainly due to the Italian colonial interest in 
advertising the colony: photos of their urban developments were taken on a regular basis, 
before, during and after buildings were erected. Even though photo-based modelling is able 
to extract most buildings using just one photo, information such as height, width, depth, and 


other architectural details, require more than one photo. 


The technique used in the research is not new; it is a specific tool known as photomapping. 
Photomapping allows the reconfiguration of the model axis (x, y, z) to match those in the 
photo, and then traces the photo in 3D. The researcher used free modelling software, 
Sketchup. This software configures more than one photo for the model. Sketchup offers a 
variety of advance modelling capabilities that were employed in this research, including: 
sketching in 3D, navigation (walking through, camera views at any desired level), camera 
position and lens options, recording scenes, and rendering. The software’s ability to read Cad 
files made the process of combining the remodelled buildings and placing them on the map 
to form the site more simple and accurate. The software can cast realistic shadows based on 
the site’s geo-reference, day of the year and time of the day, making the model rich, accurate 


and mote realistic. 


219 


6.2 Photomapping 


Photomapping draws a model using its perspective projection. The vanishing point (VP), 
where parallel lines in real life appear to meet, helped in terms of reversing the photo and 
finding the cameras position when the photo was taken, then setting the (x, y, z) based on 


the vanishing points in the photo. 


The full modelling process is conducted in two stages: preparing the photos, and the 
modelling itself. Stage one, preparing the photos to be used (fig.207), starts with selecting the 
photos, geo-referencing their location, rescaling and fixing any perspective-related camera 
errors, editing the photos. The photos are prepared using photoshop CS6 and lightroom 
CS6. Stage two, the modeling process, starts with setting the coordinates and positioning the 


model on the map to form the site. 


Choosing Photos Geo Referencing 
Pholos have been chosen Protos were edited; 


based on. - i referenced witn help of - Cleaned 
Source. - accuracy professionals Tripou's -  Bnghtened and contrasted 
date and details - photos hist - cones to B&W 
ory. 
thal are not damaged and - Saved different 


with a wide view 
get more details. + af (smader) format 


Set coordination 


“>| This type of modetting Is 
generated by extracting 
the vanishing points from 
the photos in order to 
localad the position of 
Ine camera, cach photos 


All building within the AN regenerated models have 
photo have been re been added once made to a 
bigger model for them to be 
cdetied separately. Compared with other photos, 

to make sure their 

All photos have been dimensions 

geo references and 

pined to places in The photos used were w£her 

Tripoli enher. One point or Two point 
perspective, -= 


have been sel to its own 
coor&nate. 


Final check with other photos from different angles —— 


Figure 207 Preparing the photos and the remodelling process 


The researcher changed the coordinates for each photo separately, and different types of 
perspectives were traced depending on the photo: one, two, and three-point perspective 


photos. A full list of the structures remodelled will be included in the appendix. 


220 


Figure 208 Setting the axis, and locating the camera position 


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Figure 210 Creating the 3D model from the photo. 


/^,Ho^coetem"*5m*o7^sx»99fs.t MaGanrienoer sans £82805 


Figure 209 Scaling the 3d model and locating it on the CAD map 


221 


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Figure 211 Viewing the structure and its relation to the public spaces, view 1 


- 


v/,Hump^goem*sn?O0^2s*sX^»9o9..,2Et Naomnotienesrymumuo9*mno?"n^.T 
p— Á—áÀ | 


Figure 212 Viewing the structure and its relation to the public spaces, view 2 


Figure 213 Walking through the arcade and observing the public spaces; the medina gate, the castle, the water 
entrance. 


222 


Figure 214 The Ottoman model of the space; two separated paths that connect the fabric outside the medina 
with the medina main gates 


Figure 215 The Italian model; the connection between the water entrance, the castle and the Italian square, and 
the medina main gates 


Figure 216 The post Italian model; the separation of the medina from the Italian fabric, the expansion of the 
Italian square, the relocation of the coast line, and eliminating the water entrance. 


223 


6.3 Three-layer analysis 


Figure 217 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The Independence avenue in 
the Ottoman, the Italian, and the post-colony 


Figure 218 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The water entrance in the 
Ottoman, the Italian, and the post-colony 


224 


Figure 219 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The medina entrance in the 
Ottoman, the Italian, and the post colony 


Cumt 


Figure 220 Comparison of the physical and visual change of the public spaces; The castle square in the 
Italian, and the post colony 


225 


(T 

Spon FeAl) ee 

ee ee 
ttre 


Figure 221 Section in the Green Square during the post colony model. 


226 


Chapter 7 


Conclusion 

7.1 Introduction 

Previous chapters have provided an in-depth explanation of the forces behind the growth of 
Tripoli’s public spaces: defining the social, political and economic dynamics within the urban 
context between 1551 and 2011; identifying key figures and their role in shaping the city’s 
public spaces; studying the evolution of these spaces as a continual process. This chapter 
presents the research findings at the end of the post-colonial era (2011) and the effect on the 
continuity of three areas that intersect across the time periods of this research: The Roman 
Arch space, the corniche, and the Green Square. As explained earlier in this research, 
continuity refers to: sequences, entry/exit points, the flow of movement and openness. This 
chapter will be divided into two sections: first it presents the findings for the analysis and 
second forms the research’s conclusion. Sources of the photos used in this s chapter are from private 


collections accessed through Google earth pro software. 


7.2 Significance of public spaces in Tripoli and their continuity 


The main public spaces in Tripoli have transformed from those of a small Roman settlement 
to those that make up the metropolis today. The form, usability, and configuration of 
Tripoli’s spaces, as showed in the earlier chapters, have also evolved and changed. During 
Tripoli's evolution, public spaces either gained or lost their significance. The following 


section of this chapter focuses on presenting the results of the analysis of the Roman Arch, 


the coastline and the Green Square (now known as the Martyrs’ Square). 


Figure 222 The analysis of public spaces in the late post colony era 2011. Source: 
Google earth 


227 


7.2.1 The Roman Arch area 


MA 
ES C NEACGIUA S 


D 


oe 


Figure 223 Location of the Roman arch and its relation to the port area. 


Significance 


Qualities of the spaces 


Visual Qualities 


Contain the city’s oldest 


landmark, the Roman Arch 


It is the oldest open space in 


Tripoli’s history. 


The only open space in this 
side of the medina. As most 


of the medina is built up. 


The space has a clear and defined 


presence, it 1s; 


-An elevated space 

-With a clear rectangular shape 
-Created around a central element 
(the arch). 

-A separated space that complies 
with the human scale. 

- Defined with a linear path that 


leads to the arch and goes under it. 


The surrounding of the space is a 
reminder of Tripoli’s Roman origin; 
-Simple facades 

-Plain surfaces, 

-The use of arches an architectural 
element 


-The space is located between two 


mosques. 


228 


Disconnection from other urban spaces: Even with its significance as the oldest area in 
Tripoli’s history, the Roman Arch became isolated from the urban flow. Conflict of interest 
during Ottoman rule and Italian colonisation, as well as post-colonial neglect, meant the arch 
space lost its connection to the wider urban context. The space is difficult to reach and hard 
to approach, there are limited spaces for parking in the area?" and no safe or easy means for 


pedestrian movement that leads to the space. 


Lack of public knowledge of the space: The Roman Arch was insignificant duting the 
Gaddafi revolution; he had no interest in the space?! , and it was excluded from any publicity 
about the city under his rule. Compared to the Green Square, the Roman Arch was not 
mentioned as part of the country's history in schoolbooks, or featured in TV documentaties, 
ot even included in any of the national events. This could explain why people living and 
wotking near to the arch had never heard of it. The researcher's first personal experience of 
the arch occurred during the first university trip to the library close to the area, even though 
the researcher had lived beside it and passed by it for years. As this research is concentrated 


on the evolution of public spaces, the people's awareness is mentioned but not examined. 


The visible disconnection of the Roman Arch space: The arch is not visible from the 


streets, due to the small Ottoman mosque located in front of it. 


NAA 


ONE 


Figure 224 The visibility of the Roman space from the street, and the Ottoman mosque 


the new road developed post-colony with no consideration to the arch space as a social space 
that could generate public traffic and connect spaces in the medina with the port area. 


Instead, the arch was separated from the port and all its activities, and any means of direct 


310 The main mean of transportation in Tripoli is private cars or taxies, there is no train or bus service in the city. 
311 As is the case for all Tripoli. 


229 


access wete prevented by the development of a six-lane motorway around the old medina. 


The discontinuity is also evident in the fact that the new road was built on a lower level than 


the old medina, creating a physical divide between the old medina and its urban context. 


Figure 225 The motorway separating the arch space from the port area. 


Figure 226 The elevated boundary of the old medina. 


The Roman paths leading to the arch space could still be seen on Tripoli’s plan, however, as 
the medina is a walled city, the importance (usability) of these paths is reflected by the 
importance of the gates. As shown in the following figure, the end of the two Roman paths 


leading to the arch space is either hidden (fig. 277) or leads to an empty space in the city. 


230 


3 


Figure 227 The analysis of the Roman paths in the old medina and their relation to the medina gates. 


Socially, in spite of its isolated and inaccessible location, the space in recent years played an 
important role in pulling the flow of movement inside the medina walls. It continued to 
attract small social-economical activities: restaurants and cafes, the old town club, hotels, and 
mosques surround the space. Along the Roman Arch there are also related activities such as 


the old library and more hotels (fig. 228). 


231 


3 
: 
s 
2 


E TH TERUETTTITTITTT TE 
"ni 


Figure 228 Land use of the area. Source: National Advisory Office. Tripoli 


There is a need to reconnect the arch space to its urban surroundings physically, socially and 
visually. Thinking of the urban context as the human body and the arch space as an origin, 
in order for it to live and grow it has to develop good blood circulation system. Re- 
establishing the connection of the arch space with its wider urban context could benefit the 
old medina by increasing the flow of movement inside the medina walls. Possible policies 
might include developing a direct access path for pedestrians, and restricting the movement 


of cars between the arch and the port. 


Restoting the historical connection between the arch space and the port area would also 
reinforce the Roman paths. These paths connect on one side the port, corniche, waterside 
and fish market to Tripoli’s biggest hotel (Corinthia hotel). Improving this connection will 
encourage futute economic developments inside the medina and outside the city walls (fig. 


229, 230). 


232 


d Mek 
E LM: » Ld 
rc iy a HN 3 
XC 124-1 rd 
x aun 


aoe. E 


f E 2 ies ig 


Figure 229 The relation between the 1 the port, 2 the arch space, 3 the medina gate, the hotel. 


Figure 230 Aerial view of the gate the arch space and the port. Taken from the hotel. 


233 


7.2.2 The coastline area 


Figure 231 Tripoli’s coastline space. 


The coastline was added to Tripoli’s urban context during its evolution, as described in 
Chapter (5), when it was set back from its original place. The added land was not part of a 
clear urban expansion, it was later designed to include the new corniche, the green area 
known by some as The Grand Hotel’s Garden, and the lake. The physical appearance of the 
previous coastline edge can still be identified: the lines of palm trees, the road, and parts of 


the corniche stones still exist in Tripoli today. 


Figure 232 The remains of the former coastline still appears in Tripoli. 


The following section examines the continuity of three places within this public space. 


234 


7.2.2.1 The corniche (Tripoli’s water edge). 


Changes to Tripoli’s coastline dramatically changed the city’s layout. Tripoli lost its 
uniqueness in the form of its historical connection between the water and the city. It also 
lost its two water entrances, which were the main entry points to the city from the sea. The 
utban changes also weakened the contrast (soft edge of the palm tree and the hard edge of 
the old medina) that the Italians developed along Tripoli’s coastline. The following section 
examines the continuity of the new corniche with its urban surroundings and other public 


spaces. 


The corniche, as a developed urban space, is difficult to access. The corniche is separated 
from Tripoli’s urban fabric by heavy traffic, making it difficult and unsafe for pedestrians to 
cross. There are no adequate means of connection between the urban fabric and the coastline 
for pedestrians, which could be explained as the changes that took place with the planning 
vision were mainly car driven. One example of the space separation mentioned earlier is the 
divide between the port and fish market, and the Roman Arch space and the old medina. 


Other examples, such as the separation from the garden and the lake, will be discussed 


further in this chapter. 


Figure 233 The road separating the corniche from city. The photo presents the heavy traffic on one side of the 
road. 2010 


235 


The spaces suffered the consequences of its irrational evolution. The corniche as a public 
space developed a range of social economical activities: Tripoli’s fun fair, local trade, artistic 
and sport (football, basketball fields). However, as the location of these activities was not 
pre-planned or designed, they created problems in the space. Their location raises concerns 
regarding safety and accessibility. A football pitch or basketball court on the side of the main 
motorway, with no protection or barriers, is a huge risk for both players and motor users. 
Furthermore, dense activities such as a fun fair require spaces that are well-designed, with 


clear entrances, exits and enough space for car parking". 


Figure 234 Activities developed along the corniche.2010 


The disconnection is also between the space and the wider urban surroundings. On the other 


side of the road is the site for the construction of Alghazala Intercontinental Hotel, a 351 


312 Photos of the activities taken before the revolution. 


236 


35 The establishment of such a hotel 


room Intercontinental hotel, the biggest hotel in the city 
opposite to the public space reasonably raises the need for better, easier connection to the 


corniche. 


Figure 236 Alghazala Intercontinental Hotel, left the project design, right the project under construction.2009 


Compared to the former coastline, the new corniche's design indicates that it was intended 
to be used separately from other spaces in Tripoli. There is an absence of clear crossings, 
entry and exit points to the space. The research aim of examining the effect of such 
separation and restraints on the flow of movement is incomplete. Due to the instability of 
the country during the time of the research, interviewing people about how they use the 
corniche was not possible and any means of observation would not give true results. Such 
social analysis about the corniche's connection with Tripoli's fabric could be the subject for 


further research. 


313 The hotel designed is similar to the Italian Grand Hotel that was demolished during Gaddafi time. 


237 


7.2.2.2 The Grand Hotel’s garden 


The second place created within the added land space was turned into the biggest park in the 
city today. Design of the park began in 2000. It was hard to find a name for the space that is 
commonly known by the locals. When asked, residents of Tripoli referred to the space as: 
having no name; the big garden; the garden between the corniche and the square; the garden 
next to the Grand Hotel; or, the Grand Hotel’s Garden. The lack of a common name for 
this huge space in Tripoli could be explained by it being a space with no historic background, 
ot by a lack of general interest in and attachment to the space. This space was developed 
during the Gaddafi regime, a time when he renamed most of Tripoli's streets and spaces with 


revolutionary names: it is curious that he did not name this space similarly during his rule. 


The space has been regenerated to encourage social interaction, including playgrounds for 
children, sitting areas, a wide screen to broadcast events such as national celebration, and a 
water fountain. Due to the research’s focus on the continuity of movement between public 
spaces in Tripoli, analysis of the efficacy (scale, land cover, division) of the park's design is 
not included in this research. The following sections examine the park paths, and links with 


the surrounding spaces. 


Figure 237 Elements in the Grand Hotel garden. 


The garden is physically isolated from other spaces in the city. As mentioned, the garden is 
located between the old and new corniche. The space is separated from the waterside, from 
the lake area and from Tripoli’s urban fabric by heavy traffic and parking lots. The main 
paths inside the park are disconnected from other spaces; they intersect with roads. These 
paths, that normally should guide the flow of movement in/out of the park to other places 
in this space, are disconnected. Beside the faded zebra crossing marks on the road there are 


no easy links between the different sections of the space. 


238 


Figure 238 The intersection of the garden’s main paths with its surroundings. 


The intersection between the garden area and the corniche was dangerous, so a concrete 
barrier was constructed in the middle of the road, which further disconnected the space 


(fig. 239). 


E. 
Mov nd m 


Figure 239 Concrete barrier implemented in the middle to the road to prevent people crossing 
to the corniche.2009 


Socially, the usability of the space was investigated using photos of the garden taken in 2010. 
Even though the space has not changed physically since 2011, the instability of the country 


239 


affected the usability of the space; thus, any observation of social interaction with the spaces 


will not be accurate. The space being used during peacetime is shown in (fig.240). 


ET oo Se we a 
k 


Figure 240 The usability of the space in 2010. 


240 


7.2.2.3 Tripoli’s lake space 


Tripoli's lake is another added element to the city. The following section focuses on the lake 


as a social space in the city and how it connects with other spaces in Tripoli. 


Figure 241 Arial views of Tripoli’s core area. 2010 


The lake, similarly to the corniche and the garden, suffers from heavy motor presence, and 
weak entry and exit points. It is also separated from the corniche by traffic lanes. The lake as 


a public space included some elements such as pedestrian paths around it and seating areas. 


241 


The lake space developed some social economical activities such as cafés and restaurants, 


and some seasonal water activities as seen in (fig.242) 


Figure 242 The activities generated around the lake, 2010. 


These three elements, the new corniche, the Garden and the lake, are not just detached from 
each other but also separated from the old medina. As explained in the previous chapter, the 
new space has pulled the flow of movement out of the medina walls, leaving the medina for 


those who are visiting the traditional market area. 


242 


7.2.3 The Green Square (the Martyrs Square) 


Figure 243 The Green Square in relation to the medina. 


The following section discusses the continuity of the Green Square with other public spaces 


in Tripoli. 


The square is today Tripolis main public space: the combination of what was the Italian 
plaza, the Castle Square, and the water entrance. By demolishing the building blocks that 
separated the Italian square from the Castle Square and relocating the coastline, the historical 


space transformed into a huge roundabout. 


This heavy traffic became a barrier to the development of social activities in the square. The 
researcher personally experienced the danger of crossing though the square and into the old 


medina during her time living in Tripoli. 


The space was first developed as part of the Islamic core: it formed the open market for the 
walled city, an extension of the trade area in the medina walls to areas outside the walls. 
During Italian colonisation, the space lost its social-economical connection with the medina, 


and became an empty square that socially divided the locals from the modern Italian colony. 


243 


During the Gaddafi regime this division was strengthened, as the space evolved to separate 


the medina further, with heavy traffic separating the space from the old medina. 


Figure 245 The intersections between the green square and its urban surrounding. 


The space did not develop sustained social activities; until 2011 it was used as a cat park. 


244 


Figure 246 The square transformed to a car park. Tripoli. 2010 


The aim of this study is to understand the evolution of public spaces in the historical core 
of Tripoli, by revealing the dynamics behind their growth and change. The research 
investigated growth and change in the spaces’ physical form, the activities within, and 
accessibility. 

The findings of this research illustrated that public spaces in Tripoli are more than just 


nodes in the urban fabric. They provide a strong sense of connection with the city's history. 


245 


Public spaces in the core of Tripoli have changed physically, socially and visually, and each 
period of change has presented new opportunities and challenges. Spaces transformed from 
being objective to become subjective spaces; some spaces began more functionally and 
acquired symbolic meaning, whereas other spaces were intended as symbolic from the 
beginning (1.e.: the Roman Arch). The historical evolution of these public spaces played an 
important role both physically and socially in forming the city until 17° February 2011. 

The structure of the concluding chapter is as follows: first it considers the methodological 
challenges faced in this research; second, it returns to each of the research chapters and 
summarises the main force in each chapter. This is followed by an explanation of the 
development of a new research method, and ends by looking at the research hypothesis, 


limitations and future recommendations of the research. 


7.3 The Study's Challenges, Purpose and Achievements 


This research registered to start in January 2012, a year after the Libyan revolution that ended 
the Gaddafi regime. It was designed to investigate the evolution of public spaces in Tripoli, 
as part of the social research in these spaces. It was planned to include semi-closed 
questionnaires to gather information regarding the post-colonial changes that took place; 
documents published during the Gaddafi regime may be unreliable. However, Tripoli 
experienced a wave of political unrest in 2013. This unrest had a major effect on the research 
in terms of the methodology adopted and data gathering process, and created various 
limitations. As a researcher in the field of public space, the researcher had to adjust to the 
events taking place in Tripoli, which were directly related to the study area. Beside the direct 
effects of the unrest (i.e.: no fly zone and concerns of kidnapping and being caught in the 
middle of a military conflict), people also aggressively defended Gaddafi’s regime at this 


time. They were not willing to offer information that referred negatively to the regime. 


This research adopted a fairly conventional urban design and social science method, 
investigating and building knowledge using primary sources, morphological research and 
simulation research - a valuable research method of interpretation/enquiry. The research 
investigated a new methodology by using 3D photo-based modelling from historical photos. 
A combination strategy of interpretative history, modelling, and case studies was employed 
to answer the research question. This study was undertaken to fill the gaps in knowledge 
related the evolution of public spaces in the historical core of Tripoli. The main research 
questions were: What are the distinctive characteristics of public spaces in Tripoli and what 


role did the building of - and response to - key urban attefacts/monuments play in the 


246 


dynamics of these spaces over time? What are the key connections between: the urban fabric 
and the waterfront/port; between the old medina and the Italian colonial quarter; between 
the evolving urban spaces themselves? And how can 3D models of urban spaces allow us 
to visually investigate and experience the evolution of the public spaces in the defined 


research periods? 


Due to the city’s extended history, the research was divided into three different time 
periods: 

- The Ottoman era 1551 -1911 (Chapter 3); 

- The Italian colonisation of Tripoli 1911-1943 (Chapter 4); 

- Post-colonial independence and the Gaddafi era 1951 - 2011 (Chapter 5) 


Each chapter included an in-depth summary of both the historical interpretive and the 
simulation (visual) analysis. The following section summarises the main forces of growth 


and change of public spaces, and their effect on the continuity of each layer. 


7.3.1 The Ottoman era 1551 -1911 


The existence/absence of artefacts developed prior to the Ottomans played an important 
role in forming/disrupting public spaces of Tripoli. The fact that the urban form was mostly 
demolished prior to the Ottomans entering Tripoli confirms that the urban fabric inside the 
medina was mostly built during Ottoman rule. Yet, when examining the medina’s urban 
form, the influence of the former Roman settlement can be seen reflected in the street grid 
pattern, the location of the Roman Arch, and the Roman gates and walls. Even though the 
Roman site was built over, the wide straight streets overpowered the later Islamic urban 
form. This lasting Roman influence can be explained first by the Islamic conservation of the 
Roman Arch and Roman spatial form and second, by Tripoli having lost two of its important 
Islamic urban elements, the Grand Mosque and the Islamic school. The absence of both 
these elements disrupted the Islamic model of the city; these two elements were not replaced 


until the late Qarmanli time. 


The Ottoman individuals who ruled Tripoli played a significant role in forming the city. 
Their interventions in the medina directed and disturbed urban growth. Through their urban 
interventions, the Ottomans weakened the Roman influence on the city, blocking the sight 
of Roman Arch from the sea by building a mosque in front of it, avoiding using the existing 


Roman paths that existed in the medina, abandoning the medina’s main Roman gates and 


247 


developing a new one. The Roman Arch and related space had no particular significance to 
the Ottomans, who simply appropriated the structure as storage space. During Ottoman 
rule Tripoli developed slowly and gradually over an extended period of 640 years; the main 
changes occurred due to a sequence of significant urban interventions by successive rulers. 
Even though Tripoli was an Islamic city prior to the Ottomans, the Islamic religion was not 
the main drive behind the city's growth. As explained (in chapter 3), from the early stages of 
the Ottoman petiod, the medina developed its main public buildings chronologically: the 
Grand Mosque was the last public building to be built in the medina, (the Qarmanli mosque). 
The mosque was developed after the market was built. The location of the mosque close to 
the walls inside the medina predicted the development of public spaces outside the medina 
walls. 

The division of public spaces based on political forces was first seen during the Ottoman 
era: the public spaces were divided into spaces for the locals and spaces for the ruling family. 
This division reinforced a sense of segregation as the paths used by the ruling family and the 
military were organised, formed and designed better than locals’ paths. The royal space is 
well-maintained, connected directly to the port, with a large well-designed water fountain; 
the locals’ spaces are irregular, tight, and connected to the daily market, with only a small 


water fountain. 


7.3.2 The Italian colonization of Tripoli 1911-1943 (Chapter 4); 


The significant force that drove urban growth and change in Tripoli was the vision the 
Italians had for the colony. Tripoli was seen as a given right due to the city’s Roman history. 
It was promoted as the salvation of Rome’s overpopulation, an expansion of the Italian 
territory. Three main elements of this vision affected the evolution of public spaces. First, 
segregation in the form of restricting the locals from using spaces outside the medina walls. 
This segregation ripped the Islamic city from its main public spaces (the bread market), an 
important social space for daily local trade. The space since has lost its former role as an 
expansion of the trade area inside the medina walls. The space transformed into a symbolic 


space: a space for resistance, and for demonstrations of political power. 


Modernisation was at the heart of the Italian vision of the colony. The Roman-inspired, 
‘stripped classicism’ of some of the new buildings, as used in the Fascist architecture in Italy 
(parallels to other Italian African colonies. Segregating the old medina and building a new 
urban form in the area outside the medina walls. However, the urban fabric, style and size 


compated to the castle are still connected to the spaces inside the medina. Elements as huge 


248 


as the arcade that faces the old city, that physically and visually connects public spaces inside 
and outside the medina walls, or as small as the roundabout in front of the medina gates. 
Despite the Italian intention of segregating the old medina, a sense of continuity still existed 


in terms of both the physical and spatial form inside and outside the walls. 


The Italians developed what this research names “a circle of interest’, to guide the Italians to 
certain places inside the medina walls, such as the Roman Arch, the church, and the west 
side of the medina. 

The political power of the governors was also a significant force that shaped public spaces 
in Tripoli. The evolution of the spaces (as shown) is the result of different governors, their 
background and interest in Tripoli. Each governor allocated a chief architect to translate his 


vision of the city into reality. 


The port continued to play an important role in forming the city during the Italian rule. The 
port represented the main connection to Italy. Three water entrances to the medina were 
developed, one that led directly to Tripoli’s main public spaces. The water edge was 


developed and enforced with the lines of palm trees. 


7.3.3 Post-colonial independence and the Gaddafi era 1951 - 2011 (Chapters 5) 


The locals accepted the colonial urban form and all its public spaces. They worked on 
owning these spaces by renaming and using them. Desire for change and modernisation 
resulted in the abandonment of the old medina, as people sought a better life in the modern 
colonial fabric. Economic and social constraints of the early independent country opened 
the door for immigrants that found the old medina a perfect place to live, a place with low 
rent and good location in the city. 

This social change in the old medina is seen in this research as a social segregation; the old 
medina became, and still is since except for its trade area, a slum, a neglected place in Tripoli. 
The downgrading of the medina in the Gaddafi era excluded it from the future planning of 


Tripoli. 


Since the Gaddafi revolution, any urban growth and change in Tripoli aligned with his 
personal ideology, and irrational character. Even though there is no written documentation 
of his development orders, his strong grip on the city can be clearly seen. He demolished 
utban blocks of the Italian fabric, separated the city from the waterfront, demolished 


buildings with unique architectural character only to rebuild them in a plain form; all these 


249 


changes reshaped the public spaces of Tripoli. He also reinforced the social separation of 
the old medina from the city by physically redefining the historical spaces: by demolishing 
the urban block he also demolished the arcade that guided people to interact with the old 
medina. Furthermore, the relocation of the water edge resulted in the loss of the water 
entrance that been previously important in terms of the spatial division of public spaces in 


Tripoli. 


7.4 Developing an original method 


The 3D model proved to be a powerful tool that allowed the visual regeneration and 
investigation of the public spaces and their evolution over the three key historical phases. 
Along with morphological evidence, this method was also positive in that it enabled the 
researcher to relive these changes experientially. The photomapping regenerated a 3D model 
of urban spaces that no longer exist, spaces that are only known through a limited number 
of photographs. The software detailed further physical information, including the height, 
width, and the qualities of enclosure of these spaces. The model is useful for future studies 
specifically those concerning environmental changes: using SketchUp, the shadows change 
throughout the day and year, this could also be examined as part of urban change in public 
spaces. Even though the model takes time to build as it is regenerated manually, it produces 
better results than the automated method. The regenerated model is of very good quality and 
is highly detailed. 


7.5 Study Limitations and Recommendations for Further Research 


This research time span is until the revolution on the Gaddafi regime in 2011, however 
since the revolution Tripoli’s public spaces have not changed, observations investigating 
the social connection of the spaces and how people are using them might have provided 
additional information regarding the role of the activities that take place in these spaces, 
but likely would not have affected the results of this research, as the methods that have 
been used cover the evolution of the spaces across the city’s extended history, by using 
primary sources and a morphological analysis, documented with real photos of these 
spaces. 

Digital maps produced in 2010 were used to source technical information about Tripoli. 
The researcher digitized some eatlier maps manually. As with any digitising process, there 
is a risk of error tracing pixels on the Raster maps; this margin of error could also apply to 


the modelling process, which was also done by hand, but as the research results do not 


250 


depend on this accuracy this was a fairly inconsequential risk. The analysis of the visual 


experience gave a detailed view of the changes in public spaces through time. 


Recommendations of this research: as the objective of this research was not to produce a 
definite policy for the area, but rather to recommend some general principles to improve 
the public spaces in the historical core. Some of the key lessons that emerged from this 
research is that it is necessary that the policy should reflect the urban spaces that have a 
historic relation with the city - public spaces that have a wider contribution to out city's 
social life - as these public spaces continue to play a role in giving the city its unique beauty 


and function. 


A further lesson is that much damage can arise through neglect — neglect in terms of failure 
to recognise the value of the physical boundaries and features in the public space. There is 
a need adopt a policy that restricts any further demolition of buildings surrounding Tripoli's 
public spaces. This policy should also address the social neglect arising from the failure to 
tackle the connectivity of the space, so that these spaces can be mote easily accessed; and, 
lastly, this a policy should recognise the importance of social activities in public spaces as 


an added quality of a city. 


Another key lesson is that the old medina’s relationship to the wider urban context needs 
to be re-established, as much as its buildings need to be restored. The medina lost its 
connection to the wider city, and people lost their interest in it. Integrating the medina and 
strengthening its bonds with the city will raise its economic value and in turn this will lead 


to better care being taken of the medina. 


More empirical research is required into the challenges of public spaces in the city today: 
their role, significance, people's knowledge of the meanings of these spaces, knowledge of 
the origins, and how they have changed throughout time. Research to help guide future 
changes in the city should address questions like: 

- Should we reconnect the old medina to its water edge? 

- What is the effect of making Tripoli's historical core a car free zone? 

- What are the economic benefits of returning the Green Square to a trade space 

to encourage and support trade activities inside the medina? 
- What are the ecological effects of the urban change and the effect on the 


usability of the space? 


251 


It is hoped that this research will become a source of useful information and provide a 
platform for future researchers, planners, architects, social researchers and designers in all 
relevant disciplines of research into the role of the urban space in Tripoli. This research has 
examined the historical past of public spaces and shed light on the impact of recent events 
and developments in the city. However, the role of public spaces once the country has 
settled politically will be an opportunity for further study, as it is expected to that further 


changes - especially in terms of social activity — will arise in various spaces. 


252 


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256 


Appendixes 


Photos of public figures in Tripoli 


Benito Mussolini in the Turk’s market 


257 


Benito Mussolini in the site of the Roman atch 


258 


Darguot complex details 


259 


260 


eee eee 
S258 eb v an 


- 


The Jewish temple in Tripoli 


261 


“OUR GENTLE VISITORS 
AFTER GREETINGS 


3. Hepa ENTRANCE t Lins 
fh FIC DEVE: HER NALA ca. i 


TIRE Pul ce Anas: MESE AL, CAREER AU ty 


E PLE gri: CE SD £COM E WO 


1905 ae m "T dilh. Casals 
1905 Ses Slee wll daa 


Tripoli the wivsterious - 


Mabel Tedd - 1912 


262 


Recent flooding problem in the core area of Tripoli, 2017 


263 


Representation of the political power in the open space 


-€-—— 


1 
2 
L^ 
is 


Land marks related to the Castel 


264 


Other samples of the modelling 


Street view 
Old Medina Tripoli early Italian colony 


ET m ETSI 
"—— T C" "S 


Other samples of the modelling 


266 


Map of Tripoli during the Ottomans 


1. 
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267 


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269